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The Worcester Circle: An Anglo-Catholic attempt at Renewal in the 1920s

A. Prof. Mark Hutchinson

Dean, Academic Advancement

Alphacrucis College

There was a time when ‘new Christianities’ had no history – only circular references to first century heresies, with recondite parallels drawn (often) by scholars better trained in theology than history. The condition reflected the separation of ecclesiastical history from ‘regular’ history – permitting a form of special pleading in the former which was not always evident in the latter. It is not unusual for the findings of the ecclesiastical faculties then to give ground before better informed professional history, when the latter finally become interested in the subjects which ecclesiastical historians have kept alive in the face of cool interest in the broader craft. When this happens, one runs across all sorts of assumptions, or ‘doctrines’, which (when pressed) soon fall to the ground for lack of evidence. In the context of Australian Pentecostalism, for example, Barry Chant’s thesis on early Australian Pentecostalism demolished the standard American scholarly presupposition that early Pentecostalism arose among the socially and economically marginalized – Scots-Irish snake handlers, banjo-playing plantation workers, and the like.1

This paper seeks to extend this observation to the history of the Charismatic movement in the mainline denominations, where one finds similar ‘doctrines’ about the ‘way things should go’. One of these is the doctrine that there is a straight line of development between nineteenth century Methodist holiness movements and the charismatic resurgence in the 1950s in America. Take, for instance, the standard entry on the subject, by Peter Hocken in the New International Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements:

The roots of CM in North America go back more than a decade before the 1960 event commonly seen as the birth of the movement, namely, Dennis Bennett's public announcement to his Episcopal congregation at St. Mark's, Van Nuys, CA, that he spoke in other tongues. Already in the late 1940s, healing evangelists, such as William Branham, Oral Roberts, Gordon Lindsay, and T. L. Osborn, were instrumental in spreading "Spirit-baptized" Christianity beyond explicitly pentecostal milieus. 2

Hocken is a wise and knowledgeable commentator on the Charismatic movement – few have his encompassing grasp of the total field. But the implication of the opening statement denies much that is useful in his long and detailed entry. 3 The key elements of his description are ‘roots’, an attempt to leap over the local event normally associated with the beginning of the movement (Dennis Bennett), and a direct association with those interesting figures, William Branham, Oral Roberts, Gordon Lindsay, and T. L. Osborn. When one begins to work in particular studies, however, one finds that the roots are almost never closely tied to the saw-dust trail of itinerant healing evangelism and the latter rain movement with which these four figures are associated. Moreover, ‘Spirit baptized’ Christianity had been outside denominational Pentecostalism for decades, possibly centuries by that stage, rendering such foreshortened concepts as a set of 1940s ‘roots’ quite unhelpful. One suspects that Hocken would agree with this (after all, he is working within the restraints of a dictionary entry), but the language of ‘roots’ here is a stylistic flourish which few historians can resist, granting as it does the illusion of simple lines of association and definable beginnings. It is a flourish particularly pleasing to the largely North American readership of such works, an important fact in a disciplinary specialization where the gnomes live not in Zurich but in Grand Rapids, Michigan. Such polarizing ‘roots’ make it easy to dismiss the Charismatic movement, just as Anderson’s disinheritance theory of Pentecostal origins does for the cognate non-mainstream movement. It is easier to think of charismatic movements as ‘them’—the local rector having a bad day, or the local hillbillies having a bad life—than to think of them as ‘us’, as authentic spiritualities for a particular context.

It is, fortunately, a view of charismatic spiritualities steadily coming undone under the patient work of historians. The Charismatic movement has been one of the truly definitional movements in the post-denominational period of Western Christianity. By comparison, the literature is scant and often self-referential. It was while working on J A Dowie and the Catholic Apostolic Church that I came across another Australian contributor to the international healing stream, one who likewise had international reputation and impact. What was puzzling about the career of James Moore Hickson was that, unlike Dowie, he had almost disappeared from scholarly view. In one major database of scholarly articles, for instance, J A Dowie occurs in 33 articles; while references to J M Hickson in the same database only register two such articles. More generally, there is far more popular (e.g. web based) interest in Dowie than Hickson, while the total space dedicated to Hickson in Nancy Hardesty’s recent book Faith Cure: Divine Healing in the Holiness and Pentecostal Movements tells the story in academic circles: Hickson receives a single sentence, as compared to Dowie’s three pages. 4 Yet it is arguable that Hickson was better known during his own life than Dowie, had a wider personal ministry, and was far better connected (as we shall see) to the better end of town. Certainly, he received greater welcome in contemporary newspapers. Just on the surface, then, it appears to have been a bad career choice by Hickson to die faithfully working in the Church of his birth in the centre of the British Empire’s largest city, 5 rather than dying in a remote Illinois town declaring himself to be one of the two witnesses of the Revelation, and Elijah the Restorer. One begins to suspect the gnomes of Grand Rapids and their ability to construct evangelical posterities.

It is a point of fascination that two of the internationally best known healing evangelists of the period 1882-1933 were from (in world terms) such a minor cultural centre as Australia. 6 Why is this so? A number of theories occur, which will be left to the end of the paper. The path of discovery begins with the common perception of Hickson held by those of his own day. Here (it was supposed in his own day) an ‘English Anglican’ evangelical healer ministering around the world in the post-World War I period as so many evangelists were during this period. It was a perception fuelled by the papers of his own time, numbers of Australian journalists discovering to their surprise that this stormy petrel on the destructive winds of war and influenza was in fact much more like themselves than they expected. Two things immediately stood out to contemporaries who met him – that Hickson is Australian born, and that he was a very ordinary looking man. The Sydney Morning Herald reported meeting ‘a simple, straightspeaking man with nothing remarkable about him’, 7 something that any historian who reads Hickson’s two larger books Behold The Bridegroom Cometh, and Heal the Sick, can well believe. They are perfunctory and quotidian accounts, and reveal almost nothing of the author himself. When one discovers that he was an accountant by trade, and looked for all the world like a railway engineer to most who met him, one could be fooled into suspecting that perhaps there is actually nothing there to discover.

Not so. As we continue to strip back the layers, we discover all manner of interesting data about the miracle working accountant. Hickson was born on 13 August 1868, at Broken River near Mansfield, in the Western District of Victoria, to Robert Onslow Bellerophon Hickson and Emily Villeneuve Watton, the sixth of thirteen children. The Hicksons were part of the great Anglo-Irish exodus into the world, taking with them their high standards of education (particularly in medicine, literature and law) and their expectations of both rule and prosperity. Their religion was, in large part, a passionate connection to the Anglicanism of the Church of Ireland which, a church defined during the 1820s and 1830s by the tension between the religion of the ruling classes (Tory High Anglicanism) and the expansion of evangelical biblicism. 8 The key filtering events for Hickson’s family religion were the successive hammer blows of Catholic emancipation, the reform of Church of Ireland temporalities, Famine and the rising tide of violence in Ireland. The religious response was Darbyite premillennialism, a fascination with biblical prophecy, and an incarnationalism which took the form of, on the one hand, social activism through the Irish national schools, and on the other, a fully blown theology of healing. The language of the time makes the links clearer:

'Neither Jesus nor his apostles', according to The Christian in 1880, 'ever separated the physical from the spiritual well-being of men. He and they fed and healed the bodies of the people, and the sympathy thus manifested won their attention, and enabled them to impart food and healing to their souls.'9

Such language is certainly present among the circles in which the Hicksons moved both in Ireland and in Australia. In part because of the importance of the theme of ‘frontier’ in nineteenth century histories, there has been a great deal of interest in Irish Anglican evangelicalism. 10 The mystical traditions of Ireland (present, for instance, in Philip Skelton), however, tended to wind themselves as much among the high churchmen as among evangelical sectarians. 11 This was a stance which would typify Hickson in later years, in part because of his lack of education and clerical status, in part because his very humility was a standing critique of the Church he served. 12 He would find the point of balance in the Christianity of the first seven great Councils, and the teachings of the early Church Fathers – teaching which was ordered, did away with the excesses of ‘zeal’ criticized in too many Evangelicals during the Great Awakening, but allowed for experience, authority, and a high view of the Scriptures and ‘Presence’.

Hickson’s maternal grandfather was Dr John Watton, Victoria’s first protector of Aborigines – his mother and father would follow in his footsteps, founding the Acheron Reserve in the Western District. 13 One of Watton’s daughters, Harriet Maria (whose sister was Hickson’s mother), married Anglo-Irish squatter, James Moore (1807-1895), a close associate of those other legal scions of the Anglo-Irish establishment in Victoria, Redmond Barry 14 and W. F. Stawell 15 and (like the latter) a devout Anglican. The Church and the Law ran in Moore’s family – his father was a QC and Tory/ high church member of Parliament for Dublin; his uncle Dean of Clogher; his younger brother Lorenzo (a devout evangelical) migrated to New Zealand and served the Anglican Church there and for a time in Melbourne; and his younger brother Joseph migrated to practice law in Wellington. Like his younger brother, Moore himself returned to England to study for the ministry at Cambridge, but could not agree on the 39 Articles and so returned to Australia unordained. Property also seemed to run in the family– while James Moore’s uncle frittered away the estates of Kilbride Manor in Wicklow, Scott Moore later retrieved them and they remained upwards of 9000 acres even in the latter part of the nineteenth century. Not inconsequentially, the bible Prophecy conferences at Powerscourt and the Moore’s base at Kilbride Manor (both in County Wicklow) were linked by more than their proximity. They were both centres of shared privilege linked to the ruling Anglo-Irish elite in Dublin, just to the north, linked both by church and by the prestige of such institutions as Trinity College Dublin.

In the late 1840s, Moore, Griffiths and others helped open up the Western District of Victoria, purchasing Barjarg station, later a scene for the activities of the Kelly Gang. 16 Hickson’s paternal side also had Irish connections. His father (Robert Onslow Bellerophon) was born in Zante, 17 Greece while his father (Quartermaster with the 73rd Regiment in the Mediterranean, and later commander of the 6th Detachment of Fencibles sent to defend the early Auckland settlement) was on military duty there, and named after the ship captained by John Nelson Darby’s uncle at the Battle of the Nile, the Bellerophon. Hickson’s mother’s side were landed gentry in Wiltshire (the Ludlows of Hill Deverill) who, through this Southampton branch of the family, gave generations to service in India – including three uncles (one of which, Major General John Ludlow, married into the Leigh Smith family) and numerous cousins. In short, it was a pedigree which would give the Melbourne accountant an extended and respectable family network around the world, and a family network within which religious ideas of various types flowed easily.

Little is known of Robert Hickson’s spirituality, and his son was hardly ever to mention him in printed form, leaving a considerable lacuna in our understanding of the transmission of influence. Chant suggests that the Western District of Victoria had been touched by revival, a distant reflection of the simultaneous and more widespread events of 1858 in Ireland, and this may have been an influence on the senior Hickson’s choice of service. 18 His problems with conniving white squatters suggest a highly conscientious nature, something he held onto until dismissed because of conflict over the appropriate way to treat Aboriginal people. The Hicksons moved to nearby Broken River, causing J M Hickson to refer to his father as a ‘squatter’ on his wedding certificate.

The linkage with military and pastoral backgrounds was strengthened through Hickson’s marriage to Emily Rosalie Harrison. Her mother’s father had overlanded from NSW to settle in Port Henry area (near Geelong). Her grandfather had also served with the 73rd Regiment, and settled alongside Thomas Moore (of Moore College) in NSW. Her father, Henry Colden Antill Harrison was to become, with his cousin (and later brother in law) Tom Wills, the recognized inventor of Australian Rules football and one of the great athletes in the colony. James (by then an active accountant living in Windsor, East Melbourne), and Emily were married on 14 October 1891, in Holy Trinity Church, Kew, by A W Cresswell, the vicar of St John’s Camberwell. When his father died the next year, James was the oldest son (though with four sisters older than he), and must have felt concerned about caring for the family. It was a critical year in another sense. Hickson notes in his typically terse manner that his domestic family spirituality (particularly that coming from his mother) had always been experiential and reflective. From his mother he gained a sense that the Person and Presence of Jesus was real. 19 They often prayed for the sick as a family and even as a young man Hickson was moved to intercede for the afflicted. The first time he saw healing was in 1882 (the year which saw JA Dowie begin his healing ministry in Sydney) when Hickson was about 14 years old. He prayed for two of his cousins and they were instantly healed. His mother declared that he had a special gift in this area and encouraged him to follow it. She was ‘a good Christian woman with deep spiritual insight and a most loving and affectionate nature’, and Hickson would repeatedly locate to her credit all that he would become:

From 1882 to 1900 I used the gift in this way whenever I met the need. This early experience was a great help to me; it meant that when God's call came, I had confidence to obey and go forward. I learnt in these early years that Jesus is with us in this work, that He hears our prayer, and that He does help people. I had this in my heart, and I could not but believe. 20

What must remain unknown is the extent of influence of the missions and holiness influences which flow through Melbourne around this time. In 1890, James Hudson Taylor, the great champion of faith missions, visited Melbourne. 21 Later the same year, George Grubb, the Irish Keswick evangelist, came and – in a series of meetings organized by the Irish Evangelical leader, Hussey Burgh Macartney Sr – he ran the first Keswick conference in Australia (at Geelong) on the theme ‘Can we have apostolic power today?’.22 While it is not possible to specifically locate Hickson in each of these places, it would be odd not to find a young man of his spiritual intensity among the 700 who crowded into the Temperance Hall to pray for revival with the Band, or the overflow crowds at the Geelong Convention in 1891, among whom some 50 people committed themselves to overseas missions. 23 Many of the ecumenical, church-based approaches of Grubb’s campaigns find echoes in Hickson’s campaigns. Though a layman, Hickson would draw on the Keswick campaign experience by seeking the covering and unanimity of the church, and by always recognizing ecclesiastical and liturgical order. While he was not one of those who volunteered for missionary service, Hickson would always refer to his campaigns as ‘Healing Missions’, and self-report his occupation (while travelling) as ‘missionary’. 24 The death of his father – an event the circumstances of which were to have a profound impact on his care for the sick – left him free to seek a wider sphere, something he and his wife did in 1899 by moving to England.

Here Hickson was thrown much more intensely into the party warfare of British Anglicanism, motivated partly by the aftershocks of the disestablishment of the Church of Ireland. His family’s natural allegiances were with the High Church party, which was now in the hands of its second generation of leaders: particularly Charles Gore and the movable community which gathered now around Pusey House, now around the Mirfield community, but also Percy Dearmer, E S Talbot and others. Apart from his long term as Rector of St. Mary the Virgin, Primrose Hill, and his well-known partnership with Shaw and Williams on Anglican hymnary, Dearmer was secretary to the London Christian Social Union for 21 years (1891-1912), as well as a chaplain of the British Red Cross in Serbia during World War I. His liturgical interest, his centrality in a movement which worked tirelessly to raise the health of the poor, and his Oxford roots, led him to take an interest in the restoration of proper liturgical forms for prayer, unction and the laying on of hands for healing. 25 This trend – spurred in part by the challenge of Spiritualism, Christian Science and New Thought to the mainline churches – was reinforced by the reflex impact of the first generation of ‘Keble-ite’ High Church bishops and missionaries who, around the same time as Hickson was moving to Britain from Australia, were retiring back to Britain to write up their experiences of alternate spiritualities in Asia, the Pacific and Africa. One of these was Scottish-born Louis George Mylne, a former tutor at Keble College,26 who later became Bishop of Bombay. Dearmer notes Mylne’s contribution to the liturgical discussion about unction, 27 and the importance of the American and Scottish contributions to liturgical variance. He was to become James Moore Hickson’s chief promoter and connection into the British elite.

There is no room here to detail Mylne’s influences – they were many and various, ranging from East India Company, to Walter Scott, to Alexander Duff; from Corpus Christi College, Oxford, to W E Gladstone and his circle. Gladstone’s association cannot have hurt Mylne’s promotion: both had Scottish roots, moved in Anglo-Catholic circles, and had common friends (the Russell Dukes of Bedford, for example, Henry Holland, and Charles Gore, among others). Mylne’s particular interest in Bombay led him to activism in Church Mission circles, and the development of a committed High Anglican missionary spirituality which would underpin much of his thought.28 His appeal for an Oxford response to the Cambridge Mission to Delhi resulted in the Oxford Mission in Calcutta, a mission to which Charles Gore (appointed as Vice Principal of Cuddesdon to replace Edward Willis, who `was one of the Oxford Four), was intensely committed. 29

In 1898, Mylne returned from Bombay to the diocese of Salisbury (Prebendary of Woodford and Wilsford), 1899-1905, and worked as rector of Marlborough St Mary’s in Wiltshire, before moving on to become Rector of Alvechurch (1905-1917) in the Diocese of Worcester. (He would retire to Redcliffe, Battenhall, Worcester.)30 While an academic for the early part of his career, Mylne never disconnected the spiritual and pastoral from the theoretical. Apart from its casual and conventional high imperial stereotypes, his work on the Trinity in particular is a testimony as to how Hinduism’s engagement ‘with the supernatural’ threw into relief the fragmentary nature of British religion, and the need to apply here (as in economic, military and political life) the power of Cartesian systems and the scientific. 31 This would later emerge in Hickson’s emphasis (albeit preconditioned by his own character and calling) on system and de-emphasis on the individual. Mylne’s work on Missions to the Hindus in many ways prefigured (and, I would suggest, influenced) the work of the other High Church missionary, Roland Allen. In 1878, Mylne had said as much in his Personal loyalty to Christ the secret of missionary effort, a theme that Allen further spelled out in his Missionary Principles (1913), where he explained that the key action of the Holy Spirit and of global missions in their day was a worldwide ‘Revelation of Christ.’ 32 In Mylne’s words: “Explanation, information, and admonition come out as the inevitable resultant; although there had been, to begin with, but an outburst of the spiritual life which the Church was living within herself.” 33 And just as Mylne had followed up his missions work with more in depth consideration of the Persons of the Trinity, Allen himself thought his great work of this period was his small pamphlet ‘Pentecost and the World’ (1917), a tract which unpacked his belief that the outpouring of the Holy Spirit preceded and empowered missions. 34 The difference between the two was that Mylne’s theology was too attached to a fading order, the Raj. Allen, on the other hand, (at least before he moved to Africa) wrote out of decolonizing settings where the British had not been dominant. Consequently, when the nineteenth century world of missions was blown away in the reorganization of the international order after the World Wars, Allen’s thought found a home in a way in which Mylne’s did not. 35 It is important to understand language within context, however, and in the end the structure of Mylne’s work and that of Allen is too close to ignore. 36 Both came to the same conclusion that George Grubb had come to two decades previously: “I must hold as a matter of principle”, wrote Mylne, “that work on Apostolic Methods, in this most important respect, is what will give Apostolic results.” 37

The Worcester Circle.

In his work on Hindu Missions, Mylne had projected three requirements for national revival. Like many Anglo-Catholics at the time, Mylne believed in ‘concentrated’ rather than ‘diffused’ missions. Rather than spreading the gospel everywhere without reference to its ability to survive, he read the Book of Acts as instructive of the mistakes as well as the benefits of the Pauline method. Long term, transformative mission would only occur, he thought, by “forming, at a centre, a body of indigenous Christians, through the power of whose consecrated lives the mass of the heathen around are, in time, to be leavened with the Gospel.” 38 This was continuous with Anglo-Catholic thought as to the nature of vocation, as best represented in the new Anglican religious orders which had begun to emerge in the 1840s. 39 This did not deny the need of the apostolic figure - there would eventually be the need for ‘a man’ to arise who could demonstrate the apostolic giftings. The apostolic personality, however, had to be held in tension with spiritual preparation of the ground and organizational preparation of the Church in formation of concentrated missions. By the early 1900s, Anglican religious communities had been at work on the mission field for a generation or more – and Mylne’s thought was no doubt turning to the need to add an apostolic character to the mix. This seems to have been what he found in the life and work of James Moore Hickson. Mylne and Hickson met out of a matter of personal need. When Hickson later toured Australia, Harrington Lees would remember a discussion with Mylne which took place c. 1904 in Lees’ Rectory at Kenilworth:

But marvelous cures are well attested. It is no secret and therefore I may say this publicly: The late Bishop Mylne, of Bombay, told me in my own vicarage at Kenilworth nearly twenty years ago how his own son, and Oxford running "blue," had been healed of tetanus (a quite unmistakable complaint, by the way), after the doctor in attendance had given him up, and after Mr. Hickson had laid his hands upon him. It was a revelation, to the Bishop, who told me with reverent gratitude. 40

Mylne had seven sons, but Lees is probably referring here to the oldest child, Edward Graham Mylne, who was born in 1883. Edward was obviously a promising child – an Oxford blue who rose to become a Captain in the First Irish Guards. 41 He also captured in his story the bitter paradox of the time – Hickson’s healing Mission took shape as a reaction against mechanistic modernism, but also given release by the vast carnage of modernity’s wars. The young man he laid hands on for tetanus was later killed in World War I. As Rudyard Kipling wrote of Mylne’s battalion, ‘Men could not help admiring, even at the time, the immense and ordered inhumanity of the system that, taking no count of aught except the end, pushed forward through the dead and the debris of war the fresh organisations which were to be spent next day as their predecessors had been.’ 42 The old order of service, merit and honour was trodden into the mud of the Somme, Flanders and Paschendaele. Douglas Haig’s Despatches and the newspaper lists of the dead are a sombre index to the ongoing shadow that War would cast over families and churches for years to come. The entry “Mylne, Capt. E. G: (Spec. Res.) (died of wounds)” 43 was the first of two blows to the Mylne family. Only a few months later, Euan Louis, Mylne’s sixth son, died amidst the Second Irish Guards at the Somme for the price a Military Cross – followed a week or so later by Kipling’s only son, Jack, who also died of wounds. 44 The spectacle of two India service families losing their children in France is a symbol pregnant with the change of age. It was the death of Wordsworth, of Carlyle and the gallant knights of Sir Walter Scott. Fortunately for Louis George Mylne, he had more than one son. Athol Wordsworth, the Bishop’s fifth son, had the good fortune to be serving with the Royal Navy at the time rather than in the mud of France, and so survived to rise to the rank of Air Commodore, and Deputy head of Bomber Command in World War II. A servant of the machine, if you will. Alan Moultree, the second son, had followed his father into the ministry, and served as a Chaplain through the war. 45 The second son, Ronald Heathcote, served as a Captain with the 1/10th Gurkha Rifles, LA., 46 and survived the war, as did Kenneth, who rose to the position of Captain in the Worcestershire Regiment. 47

Hickson’s introduction to Mylne also introduced him to the influential world of socially-active Anglo-Catholicism. When Charles Gore was appointed to the diocese of Worcester (over the legal challenge presented by the evangelical Church Association), 48 he received the mantle of a Diocese which had traditional drawn its clergy from Oxford. 49 Moreover, it was a form of coming home – he had attended preparatory school in Malvern Wells. 50 Nevertheless, Gore set about stirring the pot. 'There is a limit of teaching,' he said in 1917, 'both in the direction called Liberal, in that called Protestant, and in that called Catholic, and I fear I have felt bound to make myself disagreeable at different times impartially in each direction.'51 The diocese, with its seat at Hartlebury Castle, had been a rural one of scattered churches up until the eighteenth century, when Birmingham began to grow rapidly under the influence of the industrial revolution. 52 The modern city challenged his traditional church, seeming to rob the gospel of its power. 53 The call of the day – and it must be remembered that ‘the day’ was post-1869, the ‘day’ in which the Church of Ireland was disestablished, pointing to the future for the Church of England - was “that what we need to make our religion more real, more full of power, and more attractive”. A disestablished church must find its power elsewhere. This meant a “deeper apprehension of the presence and activity of the Holy Spirit of God”, a task he later set to describe most fully in his work The Holy Spirit and the Church: The Reconstruction of Belief (1924). Commenting on the Church of Paul, as described in his letters to the Corinthians, Gore foresees a new type of liturgical fulfilment of real presence in a return to the early church:

…this enthusiastic cultivation of ecstatic gifts in a public assembly of the Church, this “liturgy of the Spirit” was a very highly valued part of public worship at Corinth and very likely elsewhere. That it was easily liable to abuse is apparent… Nevertheless the Corinthian meetings afforded an opportunity for unofficial persons to exercise spiritual gifts. We cannot help wondering whether the ordinary excuses for officialism were not allowed too lightly to abolish them. We recall the revivalist meetings and free prayer meetings which before and after the Reformation the Church has frowned upon, but which, with all their admitted excesses and absurdities, have nourished and exhibited a real and intense spirituality. We assent to St. Paul's demand that such manifestations of the Spirit should be kept within the bounds of Church order, but it is difficult to restrain the feeling that in one form or another they ought never to have been abandoned, and that a good deal of the freedom of the Spirit was lost, when they ceased to hold their place among the methods of the Church, and only officials of the Church could lead the public worship. 54

When he arrived as Bishop of Worcester in 1902, Gore found one diocese that was really three – with rural Worcester the nominal center, but actually having little effective oversight in the industrial heartland and the more distant archdeaconry of Coventry. The proportion of confirmation candidates to the population, which in the city of Worcester was 1 in 90 every year, in Birmingham was less than 1 in 300. 55 The monastic bishop first had to overcome a mountain of legislation and bureaucratic organization, 56 before he could even attend to the ills of the divided diocese.

In order to achieve his program, Gore needed to put good like-minded supporters of experience into place. This was particularly the case since Gore, though of aristocratic lineage himself, 57 pursued his ‘Church of the People’ vision with such energy that he quickly alienated many of the local gentry and nobility. 58 The new Bishop would need to construct a support base from those with influence, but who were also committed to the same social vision of the Church of Jesus Christ. The Rectorship of Alvechurch was important both symbolically and functionally: Alvechurch was the location of the traditional episcopal palace for the see of Worcester, and the rector reported directly to the Bishop. 59 It was here, in 1904, that he appointed Louis Mylne.

In his account of his healing ministry, James Hickson laconically notes that:

In 1905 we founded the Society of Emmanuel, of which I was asked to act as president. Bishop Mylne, late Bishop of Bombay and then Suffragan of Worcester, was vice-president, and Adelaine Duchess of Bedford, Countess Beauchamp, Mrs. Edward Trotter, Mrs. Dickin, the Rev. Maurice Bell, the Rev. George Trevelyan, Mr. W. M. Wroughton, Lady Mosley, and others were on the Committee. 60

Hickson’s agenda, of course, is to breed confidence in his readers by listing the names of ecclesiastical worthies of the day. An analysis of the list, however, indicates that Mylne’s position in Worcester is critical to its assembly, and that Gore’s need to draw on the help of socially-minded High Church Anglicans for his restructuring of the church in the Birmingham region as a ‘church of the people’ was the facilitating factor.

Mylne’s association with Hickson has already been discussed – his ability to mobilize Gore’s circle, and to carry a certain amount of personal weight as a ‘missionary bishop’, were the keys to unlocking the resources of a Whig elite committed to what Lady Somerset called the "Anglo-Saxon mission", which ‘was to seek moral reforms that would put the race in "the van of progress."’ 61 We also know that in the run-up to the organisation of a “Society of Emmanuel”, Hickson had been to see the Bishop of London about the healing ministry. 62 Before he got there, there is no doubt that Mylne had to have been making connections for him. The Bishop of London at the time was Arthur Foley Winnington-Ingram, who had been born in Stanford-on-Teme, Worcestershire. His father (Rev. Edward Winnington-Ingram) was (apart from his vocation as a clergyman, which he took up after being educated at Keble College, Oxford) lord of the manor of Ribbesford, and his mother was the daughter of the Bishop of Worcester, Henry Pepys, whose brother was the earl of Cottenham. As former head of Oxford House in the East End, and Suffragan Bishop of Stepney, Ingram’s social work credentials were impeccable – and, as one of the most senior of the Anglican hierarchy, his introduction was formidable. 63 More importantly, he was a disciple of the evangelical Catholic Scottish Primus, George Howard Wilkinson. In the preface to Wilkinson’s posthumously printed sermons, The Invisible Glory, Ingram said of the man he called his ‘one of my great spiritual masters’: 64

I felt from the first moment what I felt at the last moment when I knelt to receive his blessing three weeks before he died that in his presence more than in the presence of any other man on earth 1 knew in some degree what it must have been to have been in the visible Presence of our Blessed LORD Himself. 65

Wilkinson touched dozens of Church of England Clergymen with his evangelical Catholicism, believing not only in the Divine community of the Church but also in the need for a personal conversion. 66

Another person touched by Wilkinson, Edward White Benson, placed the hope of the post-Disestablishment church in its continuity with the church primitive and the continued promise of the Holy Spirit. Speaking on the occasion of the re-opening of St Brigid’s Cathedral in Kildare, Ireland - an occasion full of symbolism with regard to the separation of 1869 and the common antagonism to a Rome which was even then declaring Anglican clerical orders to be invalid67 - Benson shifted his view from physical to spiritual gifts. Preaching from 1 Corinthians 12, he declared that just as wisdom, knowledge and faith have not been withdrawn, the other spiritual gifts ‘cannot have been intended to be temporary.’ The gifts were not ‘magical’, but rather were

intensifications, under the strong influences and emotions of the Spirit, of gifts which lie woven in the nature of all of us. They are these wisdom, insight, faith; healings, powers, prophecy, discernment of spirits, kinds of tongues, interpretation of tongues. 68

While, drawing on his days in the ‘Ghostlie Guild’ with Westcott, Lightfoot and others, Benson had come to the conclusion that the gifts were still with the Church because they represented latent human abilities brought to the fore by contact with Christ, the truth was that he, and many others, had already overcome the Calvinist cessationism which Anglican self-identity as a Protestant church had long implied. Such men, in short, were open (within limits) to the language of the Holy Spirit that Hickson brought with him, and particularly open to ministries which might contribute to his long fight for the health of the poor in London’s East End. If we bear in mind that Ingram was also lecturer at the Lichfield clergy training college, Hickson’s description of the early work of the Society of Emmanuel makes more sense:

Healing Missions were also held in the East End of London amongst the poor, and in other parts of England and numerous addresses given at theological colleges, ruri-decanal conferences, and meetings of clergy and other gatherings. 69

One of the contacts that both Mylne and Ingram will have given Hickson in the early years was Adeline, Duchess of Bedford. Close to Wilkinson in his Anglo-Catholic crusades for the poor, Adeline Mary Somers-Cocks became the Duchess of Bedford through her marriage to George Russell, Liberal MP for Bedfordshire (1852-85), when the latter became tenth duke of Bedford on his father’s death in 1891. The Russells were prominent in the history of reform which set the tone for much of the nineteenth century. Lord John Russell introduced the Reform Bill of 1832 and was twice prime minister. Adeline’s marriage to George Russell drew her closer to William Gladstone, and to Charles Gore’s lifelong friend, George William Erskine Russell, 70 with whom Mylne was also connected.

Adeline was not dependent on her husband’s family, however, for her influence. Daughter of the third Earl Somers and the legendarily beautiful Virginia Pattle (of a prominent India Service family), the Worcester-based Somers-Cocks family included Arthur Somers-Cocks (6th Baron Somers, sometime Governor of Victoria, and chief scout for Great Britain and the British Commonwealth), 71 Adeline’s sister Lady Isabella Somerset (President of the British and later the World Woman’s Christian Temperance Union), and the Earls of Clarendon. 72 Somerset was

one of the wealthiest women in the realm. Her Eastnor Castle, a Norman baronial structure in Hertfordshire, was "one of the showplaces" of the county, while Somerset also owned extensive property in three other counties. She was in 1895 said to have 100,000 tenants, of whom most lived, despite her reputation as a benevolent reformer, in her vast slum properties in East London… In 1893 alone, Somerset herself gave an amount equivalent to the entire American WCTU dues commitment to the World's WCTU. 73

The Somers-Cocks' sway came from the fact that they were linked to the banking firm of Biddulph and Cocks, which became Martins’ Bank, and then was eventually swallowed up by Barclays. For Australians, part of their interest lies in the fact that they supplied a number of Australian Governors – in addition to Arthur’s governorship of Victoria, Adeline virtually adopted and raised her cousin, the young Rachel Gurney, who married William Humble Ward, second of the Worcester-based Earls of Dudley, and Governor General of Australia 1908-1911. Even though her marriage was even then failing, Rachel’s “ambitious attempt to establish a national order for district nursing failed, but she set up state-based bush-nursing associations which operated in outback Australia for more than sixty years”. 74 The roots of this can be seen in the social engagement which she patterned on her cousin, Adeline, and which included her involvement in Hickson’s Society of Emmanuel.

The Lords Russell, on the other hand, were Balliol men, and George Russell was particularly close to Benjamin Jowett. When he died, Jowett urged Adeline “not to shrink from the responsibilities of her rank but to see these as God-ordained and requiring harmonious co-operation between all classes to secure moral and social improvement.” 75 She became known for her championing of social causes – through rescue missions among street workers around Victoria Station, the Associated Workers' League, on the national Prison Commission, and in prison visitation (particularly to the Aylesbury prison for women, where around this time many protestors for the suffragette cause were imprisoned). From 1900 she became the founding President of the Lady Visitors' Association (later the National Association of Official Prison Visitors). She was to be active in War work in World War I, but perhaps the most direct connection for Hickson was the fact that she sat on the national committee (and the General Working and Finance Committees) to organise Imperial Yeomanry Hospitals to care for the wounded from the South African War.

Between them, the English Duchess and the Indian Bishop had access to most of the Anglican hierarchy. One key connection sat at the very top of the tree. Edward White Benson, Archbishop of Canterbury (1886-1893), while a Cambridge man, grew up in Birmingham, and was sent to Cambridge on the support of his father’s half-brother, William Jackson, a fellow of Worcester College, Oxford. Though he had grown up in a strong evangelical family, his scholarly nature and interest in patristics led him to a more liturgical stance. It fell to Benson to lead the rearguard against Disestablishment, one of the fruits of which was closer relationships with the Church of Ireland. As noted above, part of Benson’s response to disestablishment in both islands was a re-energised theology of the Holy Spirit. As Benson’s chaplain at Lambeth and Dean of Windsor at the time of his death, Randall Davidson’s succession to the see of Canterbury would ensure that many of Benson’s emphases would be carried through. The Duchess of Bedford was a regular at Lambeth, 76 and no doubt added her considerable influence to the acceptance of the Worcester circle’s convictions about the need for a renewed emphasis on spiritual gifts.

With this level of acceptance, it is not hard to see how the rest of the Worcester circle came together, and began to establish what was essential a teaching ministry directed at the renewal of the Church on realised sacramental lines. As we shall see, Mylne’s place in Worcester connected Hickson to John Harold Greig, then Archdeacon under Gore, but later Bishop of Gibraltar, and first Bishop of Guildford. As a missionary bishop for Europe – the front line against the claims of Roman Catholicism – and then as the founder of a new diocese on the edge of expanding London, Greig was dependent on connecting to the wealth of the American church. As such he became a bridge for Hickson out of the restrictions of a contracting British market into the global scene. Arthur Winnington Ingram’s Worcester connections, and his office as Bishop of London also connected the Worcester circle to those parts of the British Empire/ Commonwealth with which Mylne himself did not already have contact. This, as Herbert points out, was the advantage of having been educated at a Public School like Marlborough, in the region of which (after his return from India, 1897-1905) Mylne had been the local rector. Marlborough had been established in 1843 to train the children of clergy, on land traditionally part of the (Seymour) Somerset family’s domain:

From among "his year" there sprang twenty-two military officers, amongst them Major-General Kekewich; twenty priests, amongst them the Very Rev. Dean Kite, of Hobart, Tasmania; and Arthur Winnington Ingram, Lord Bishop of London; while two years later, Arthur Chandler, who became the Rt. Rev. the Bishop of Bloemfontein, joined the school. There were also fourteen future members of the legal profession, four others who became doctors, amongst them Archibald Edward Garrod, M.D., who later gained fame as a physician, and an authority on rheumatic affections. Nine of young Winnington Ingram’s year became assistant-masters in great public schools, or Heads themselves. As for the rest, taking the year as a whole, it distinguished itself rather by producing boys who in architecture, stock-broking, business, farming arid civil engineering, served their day and generation, as they were called on to play the part. 77

Arthur Chandler’s connection here is of interest, as Chandler was Bishop of Bloemfontein when Hickson ran his campaign there in 1922. Chandler had picked up on the Anglo-Catholic appreciation of the Holy Spirit – and indeed both spoke and wrote on the subject. 78 Unlike Benson, Chandler was a genuine Anglo-Catholic mystic, who took efforts to balance the submersion of Christ and the Spirit in the visible forms of the church with a doctrine and practice of the indwelling Spirit. He was self-admittedly a fan of Catholic spirituality and borrowed heavily from Sulpician and Ignatian methods. 79 The spiritual life, he wrote, is “a life dominated, guided, and inspired by the indwelling presence of the Holy Ghost.” This is “an intensely individual work, in which each separate soul is dealt with in accordance with its special needs and capacities and difficulties and temptations,” but one wherein the individual life finds its guidance and calling worked out in the institutional church. 80 The two together, he claimed, should lead the individual Christian into a life of adventure, into service for others relying ‘more wholly and more humbly on the gifts and guidance and presence of the Spirit of Truth, the Spirit of Life, within us’. This alone, he thought, would act as an answer to the ‘widespread feeling of discontent with the formal observances of the past’. 81 His hopes for the Anglican church were that, given that it was Catholic in tradition but was free of the oppression of mystics which had been so evident in the cases of Molinos and others, it should become ‘the best sphere for the cultivation of mystical religion’. 82 The search for vibrant religious faith was thus an experiential experiment, captured and described in the science of ‘mystical theology.’ 83 The search for scholarly substance among Anglo-Catholics, which for some meant engagement in psychology and the human sciences, for Chandler led in the direction of a science of the Spirit.

Of the others listed by Hickson as involved in the organising committee of the Society of Emmanuel (“Mrs. Edward Trotter, Mrs. Dickin, the Rev. Maurice Bell, the Rev. George Trevelyan, Mr. W. M. Wroughton, Lady Mosley”) we see a slice of contemporary High Church society. ‘Mrs Edward Trotter’ was Gertrude Trotter, wife of Archdeacon (Rev. Canon) Edward Bush Trotter (1842-1920), vicar of Whitchurch in Oxfordshire. 84 Trotter was a reasonably well-known author, interested in the history of the Anglican church (which he wrote with the well known Anglican clerical poet, Richard Watson Dixon), and in popular devotional literature. Maria Dickin (1870–1951), on the other hand, was right in the High Church reformers’ demographic. The oldest daughter of a Wesleyan minister, Dickin was a sensitive Romantic soul who was involved both with spiritualism and R T Campbell’s New Thought push coming out of City Temple Congregationalist Church. 85 Like Hickson, Dickin’s husband was an accountant, and perhaps this is how they encountered one another – though the fact that Maria was a singing teacher and they were living in an inner city parish would have been sufficient to bring them into contact with High Church activists of the sort which surrounded Hickson. Between 1908 and at least 1924, Maria Dickin was founding editor of Hickson’s journal, The Healer, which became a clearing house for connection in their growing healing network. Dickin had something of an epiphany in 1917 when she saw the cruelty with which animals were treated, and this worked its way into her thinking about the place of pain in the redemptive story. She went on to found the People's Dispensary for Sick Animals of the Poor, which “grew very fast, at first within London but after Dickin's caravan tour of 1923… within many parts of England.” In many ways, she became for animals what Hickson was for humans – though in later years, having received an OBE and later a CBE for her work on behalf of animals, Dickin was perhaps more personally successful in institutionalising her beliefs. 86 Maurice Bell (1862-1931) was also musical – indeed, as Vicar of the High Church inner city parish of St Mark’s Regents Park (1904-12), and a close associate of Percy Dearmer at Primrose Hill and Ralph Vaughan Williams, he had contributed to the ‘The English Hymnal’, published in 1906. Typically, he moved in the circles which featured the art of the Pre-Raphaelites and the poetry of Rudyard Kipling. He would eventually leave the Anglican church for Catholicism. 87 Rev. George Trevelyan (1858-1937) 88 at this time was Curate of Churt in Surrey, a church in the future Diocese of Guildford. His connections, however, were significant – a scion of the Trevelyans of Nettlecombe, his grandfather had been Archdeacon of Taunton and Canon of the Cathedral in the Diocese of Bath and Wells. His great uncle was Sir Charles Edward Trevelyan, Governor of Madras, who had married one of Zachary Macaulay’s daughters, and his great aunt had married into the Perceval family, the Earls of Egmont. His mother was Maria Pleydell Bouverie (a marriage of India and Puseyism), and his father one of the many Trevelyans who served church, state and scholarship throughout the Empire. Again, the connection was through Worcestershire. While Trevelyan would go on to be rector of St Alban's Birmingham (which was linked to Keble College through Earl Beauchamp, one of the church's trustees) and St Stephens Bournemouth (a memorial church which had been built to carry on the Anglo Catholic tradition established by Alexander Morden Bennett, first vicar of St Peter's Bournemouth), in 1901 he was living in Great Malvern, Worcestershire. It was a natural place of retreat – his father was a graduate of Worcester College, Oxford, which had been refounded in the eighteenth century to connect to the Bromsgrove School in Worcestershire. William Musgrave Wroughton (c. 1851- ) 89 was married into the prominent financial family, the Cazenoves, through his wife Emily. The family were large donors to causes such as the SPCK, and (despite originating in French Huguenot circles) their wealth had also made them prominent in the Anglican Church. One relative, for example, was John Gibson Cazenove, 90 who was trained at the Marlborough School and Oxford (in the midst of the Tractarian period), rising to Sub-Dean and Chancellor (1878-96) of St. Mary's Cathedral, Edinburgh. Like the final name on Hickson’s list of councillors (Lady Mosley), her neighbours the Cazenove’s were representatives of high society – and that in more than an ecclesiastical sense! The Mosleys, of course, were to become both famous and infamous over the coming decades, but the ‘Lady Mosley’ referred to here is probably Lady Hilda Rose nėe Montgomerie (d. 18 June 1928), the wife of Sir Tonman Mosley (1850-1933), Baron Anslow. Anslow was educated at Corpus Christi, Oxford, and at the time of Hickson’s formation was a pillar of the Liberal Party, 91 Chair of Buckinghamshire County Council, and North Staffordshire Railway Company among other things. Their marriage at St Peter’s Eaton Square certainly confirms their high church credentials, and the address puts them within walking distance of the Wroughtons in Chester Square. They shared, with many High Anglicans, an attachment to the pre-Norman church – in their case on both sides having descended from ancient Saxon families, a heritage encapsulated for them by their churchmanship. 92 Directly related to the Earls of Eglinton and Essex, Lady Hilda was coming down in the world somewhat in marrying a mere Baron, but her family were obviously keen supporters of empire and faith. Her son, Nicholas fought in the Boer War, and would later be killed by a sniper’s bullet in World War I. With the death of their second son as a childless adult, the barony would fall vacant on Tonman’s death in any case, and be held by their relatives, the Curzons. It was this sense of blood which would contribute to their great-nephew Oswald’s misadventures with Fascism.93

Conclusions:

At almost every step, James Moore Hickson’s career as a charismatic healer was underpinned, funded and shaped by his attachment to Anglo-Catholic attempts at Church renewal in the 1920s. Only a focused study such as this reveals the fact that even someone as ‘deficient’ in mystical spirituality as Charles Gore thought himself to be, could gather around him at and through the challenges of renewing Worcester and Birmingham influences that were greater than he thought. The initial attachment arose out of their common Anglo-Irish High Churchmanship, and the fact that a conflation of social, cultural and spiritual forces in rural Victoria and Marvellous Melbourne gave Hickson a spirituality and gifts which focused broader trends in Anglo-Catholic theology and practice. A series of historical serendipities put him in the right place to meet a returning Keble-ite missionary Bishop, and meet him in his time of need. The suffering of the Boer War provided him with the impulse, that of World War I made him a widely known figure in British Anglo-Catholicism, and that of the post-war Influenza Epidemic gave him access to the finances, drive and reach of a disproportionately influential American Episcopalian church at that time banking on a cordial entente between the USA and Great Britain. He parlayed all of this into a global healing crusade which saw him received and trumpeted in Anglican churches all over the world between 1919 and 1925. A chain of extraordinary accidents? Or (as Hickson interpreted it) God renewing His Church and reviving it from its state-encumbered post-Reformation slumber? Historians will prefer the former, but must at least take the latter seriously as a motivating force for Hickson and his circle. If they hold onto doctrine, certainly they would not be looking for sources of charismatic renewal in the dispersed network which formed what here has been referred to as ‘the Worcester circle’. This is no Methodist holiness revivalism, but a profound attempt at what we might call ‘spiritual engineering’ on the part of some of the wealthiest and most powerful people in British society.

That leaves us with our two floating questions with which this article began: Why does this originate and flow through Australia? And why is Hickson now largely forgotten? As to the first, a number of things occur. The first thing is that Hickson represented a spiritual tradition in the process of being dispossessed. At home, it was being stripped of its links to power, its temporalities distributed, its key intellectual centers relativised by the rise of democratic materialism. Like the political nobility which sat on its committees and graced its functions, the spiritual nobility was going cap in hand to the crass, but energetic Americans. Abroad, its natural framework (Empire) had become bureaucratized and odious to it, and was in any case being dismantled piecemeal. All it was good for, in the end, was as a place to which one could flee and turn social capital into economic capital. Its champions, like Gore, were fighting a losing battle with the enemies weapons and, having reached their peak three generations out from Keble’s sermon on national apostasy, became conflated either with institutional liberal modernism or ritualism. The colonies were places of experimentation, where the shackles could be thrown off and experiments such as the Bush Brotherhood tried out, before being released back on the industrial no-man’s lands of England. As it was for Dowie, leaving staid, liberalizing Scotland first as a child and then as a student minister, Australia for the Hicksons was a place for reestablishment after a cataclysm of social identity. For Dowie, it was the depression of Scots thought and independence; for the Hicksons, the disestablishment of the Anglo-Irish elite. Both men were driven by a certain elliptical romanticism, which could be allowed free reign outside Europe – Dowie’s emerging from a liturgical Scottish Irvingite spirituality, Hickson’s from a liturgical Irish Darbyite spirituality influenced by Scots restorationism. Sir Walter Scott’s knights errant seem to have formed a part of the mental furniture of both men. (It is not a coincidence, for instance, that it is while on his way to Iona that Hickson receives his impulse to undertake a global healing mission). It is not (as G L Prestige notes of Gore) the futile search for an essentialist Celtic spirituality which lies at the source of their commonalities, but rather a neo-Romanticism which cohabited with High Imperialism and subsisted in dreams of a restored, Apostolic Church.

With regard to the second question, as to why Dowie remains in the mental living room of modern scholars and Hickson does not, it is in part because Hickson does not spark the sort of present questions which inspire past research. His Puseyite connections – especially from the perspective of Sydney or Chicago – look like history’s losers, and few historians are prepared to spend their lives trolling among the scattered remains of losers. Dowie, on the other hand, by a trick of the dominance of evangelical scholarship in North America, and the centrality of Chicago to American rail and communications networks, has been rescued from the dustbin of history, brushed off, and presented resplendent in all his idiosyncrasy. The Pentecostal story which was marginal in 1919, when Hickson was being covered by Time magazine and the New York Times, has since become big news. As part of that story, Dowie remains of interest. Hickson, however, lives on only in a continuing healing ministry in an old rectory in Crowhurst, Sussex. Given the fact that Dowie left Melbourne in 1888, it is possible that the young Hickson and the patriarchal Dowie could have passed each other in the street. One might imagine one on his way to his accountancy office, and the other with his family to the docks, from which on 3 March 1888 the Dowies departed for a different life in America. Two fragments of a passing British religious order would end up in different empires on different sides of the world. Their influences would cross each other again in the 1920s. Only one of those, however, would be remembered. Such is history.

Endnotes:

They represent one tendency of thought as it issues in two manifestations. The theology and the philosophy alike are Monistic in the strictest sense. They represent, in two lines of speculation, one uncompromising intellectual determination to find, at any cost, a single, all-embracing conception, under which all objects of thought, under which all forms of being may be reduced to an absolute unity. [Mylne, in Missions to Hindus,p.22].

His faith in the reasonableness of Christianity is touchingly European: ‘A Christian can accept no philosophy which abolishes the primary distinction that marks off the finite from the Infinite, and discriminates matter from spirit. His consciousness of himself as a thinker, distinct from the objects of his thought, is to him the very primary conception which reduces the chaos of sensation to the order of realised knowledge.’ Mylne, in Missions to Hindus, p.24.


  1. B Chant, ‘The Spirit of Pentecost: Origins and Development of the Pentecostal movement in Australia, 1870-1939’, PhD, Macquarie University, 1999. This was a doctrine often held by non-Pentecostal writers on new religions, supported mainly by Robert Mapes Anderson’s influential Vision of the Disinherited: the making of American Pentecostalism, New York: Oxford University Press, 1979. 

  2. ‘The Charismatic Movement’, in S. M.Burgess and E. M. Van Der Maas (eds), New International Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, Grand Rapids , MI : Zondervan, 2002. 

  3. The entry is nearly 38000 words. 

  4. Nancy A. Hardesty, Faith cure: divine healing in the holiness and Pentecostal movements, Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson Publishers, 2003, p. 151. 

  5. Possibly the best coverage of Hickson is by Stewart Mews, in his 'The Revival of Spiritual Healing in the Church of England, 1920-26', in W. J. Sheils (ed.), The Church and Healing (Studies in Church History, vol. 19) (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1982), 299-331 

  6. No doubt that Maria Woodworth-Etter and F F Bosworth were no doubt better known in North America, but neither had much international reputation until the international expansion of organised Pentecostalism in the post-World War II period, and the rise of Healing revivals in the aftermath of the Latter Rain Movement in 1948. Dowie and Hickson, on the other hand, were widely known. The additional matter of interest with regard to Hickson is that his successor on the High Church end of healing ministry was also an Australian, ‘Brother Bill’ Wood. P Hocken, Streams of Renewal, Carlisle, UK: Paternoster, 1997, pp. 50ff. 

  7. SMH, 30 Dec 1922, p. 7. 

  8. ‘During this period the great British evangelical societies, such as the Church Missionary Society (CMS) and the British and Foreign Bible Society (BFBS), not only established Hibernian auxiliaries, but made Ireland one of the chief targets for their conversionist zeal.’ David Hempton and Myrtle Hill, Evangelical Protestantism in Ulster Society 1740-1890. London: Routledge, 1992, p.47. 

  9. Quoted in D. W. Bebbington, Evangelicalism in Modern Britain: A History from the 1730s to the 1980s, London: Routledge, 1993, p.120. 

  10. e.g. P.R. Conkin, Cane Ridge: America’s Pentecost. Madison, University of Wisconsin Press, 1990; R. Fitzgerald, God's Frontiersmen: The Scots-Irish Epic. * Chatswood, N.S.W., Peribo, 1989; M McKenzie, Fred McKay: Successor To Flynn of the Inland. Bowen Hills Qld, Boolarong, 1990; S.E. Emilsen, A Whiff of Heresy: Samuel Angus and the Presbyterian Church in New South Wales*. Kensington NSW, NSW University Press, 1991. 

  11. Interestingly, Skelton (though a High Churchman) was a key protagonist in the rational defence of the faith against the rationalist reductionism of Deism during the enlightenment. “The very first principle of any religion worthy of the name must be the recognition that it has an infinitely mysterious being, 'the most incomprehensible and mysterious of all beings', for its object (II, 146), and cannot hope to wholly comprehend it.” Skelton thus necessarily limits doctrine and the human measures of God, and opens up the religion of the heart. D. Hempton, and M. Hill, Evangelical Protestantism in Ulster Society 1740-1890, London: Routledge, 1992, p. 15. 

  12. As he noted about healing: ‘The subject is too vast and deep for dogmatism, and the farther one goes into it the more humble he becomes.’ Hickson, Heal the Sick, p. 1. Interestingly, Burdy’s Life of the Late Reverend Philip Skelton (first published in Dublin, in 1792), was reprinted in Oxford in 1914, and the Complete works from1824. A copy of the latter, annotated by Samuel Taylor Coleridge, is in the British Museum– an item of interest, given the influence of Coleridge on Irving, and Irving’s influence on Darby. 

  13. John Harris, One Blood, 200 Years of Aboriginal Encounter with Christianity: A Story of Hope, Sydney: Albatross Press, 1990, pp. 178-9. 

  14. Peter Ryan’s Redmond Barry: a colonial life 1813-1880 (Carlton, Vic.: Melbourne University Press, 1980) was long the standard biography; to which Ann Galbally’s Redmond Barry: an Anglo-Irish Australian (Carlton, Victoria: Melbourne University Press,1995) adds focus on this important legal figure’s Ango-Irish roots. 

  15. J. M. Bennett (Sir William Stawell: second Chief Justice of Victoria 1857-1886, Annandale, N.S.W.: Federation Press, 2004) focuses on Stawell’s legal career, while John Young (Sir William Foster Stawell, Carlton, Vic.: Melbourne University Press, 1989) takes a broader view of his life. 

  16. Minutes of Proceedings at Meetings Held by the Royal Commission on the Police Force of Victoria, 1881; Mansfield Guardian, The Kelly Gang: The Outlaws of the Wombat Ranges, Walker, May and Co: Melbourne, 1879; Argus, 28 October 1878, p.5. 

  17. Despite the fact that his death certificate gives place of birth as New Zealand– a reference to the fact that his father’s place of retirement was well known, perhaps, and an indicator that most of his family were in New Zealand rather than in Australia. 

  18. Unusual work of the Spirit was not unknown in the area. In 1858, the Portland circuit had enjoyed ‘seasons of refreshing’ when in answer to fervent prayer, God had ‘poured ... His Spirit from on high.’ Chant, ‘Spirit of Pentecost’,p.131. 

  19. J. M. Hickson, Heal the Sick, New York: E P Dutton,1926. 

  20. James Moore Hickson (author), and Sister Constance (comp.), Behold the Bridegroom Cometh: Addresses given at the Services of Healing in Christ Church Westminster, 1931-1933, London: Methuen and Co., 1937, pp. 101-2. 

  21. Ian Welch, 'Nellie, Topsy and Annie: Australian Anglican Martyrs, Fujian Province, China,1 August 1895', http://rspas.anu.edu.au/pah/TransTasman/papers/Welch_Ian.pdf 

  22. viz. Edward C. Millard, What God Hath wrought : an account of the mission tour of the Rev. G.C. Grubb, (1889-1890) / chiefly from the diary kept by E.C. Millard, one of his companions in Ceylon, South India, Australia, New Zealand, Cape Colony, London: E. Marlborough, 1891. 

  23. Paproth, ‘Hussey Burgh Macartney Jr.’ 

  24. See for example, the manifest of the SS Miami, returning from a trip to Havana, Cuba, July 21,1926, in which J M Hickson is referred to as ‘missionary.’ Interestingly, he does not report this side trip in his account of the American tour in that year (Heal the Sick). 

  25. Percy Dearmer, Everyman’s History of the Prayer Book, London: Mowbray, 1912, p. 225. 

  26. Viz. E. S. Talbot (ed.), Sermons preached in the temporary Chapel of Keble College, Oxford. 1870-1876, London, 1877. 

  27. Percy Dearmer, Body and Soul: An Enquiry into the Effect of Religion on Health, New York: E.P. Dutton, 1909 p. 308. 

  28. Personal loyalty to Christ the secret of missionary effort: A sermon, preached in St. Peter's Church, Eaton Square, during the session of the Lambeth Conference, July, 1878 

  29. Prestige, The Life of Charles Gore, pp.34-5. 

  30. Who Was Who, A Companion to ‘Who’s Who’ Containing the Biographies of Those who died during the Period 1916-1928, London: A&C Black, 1929, p. 766. 

  31. The irony of his comments about Hinduism will be more apparent to a twenty-first century commentator than to someone of his own time. His statement, for instance, about the monadic tendencies of Hinduism could as easily be applied to science as to religion: 

  32. Roland Allen, Missionary Principles, Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1964, p.137. 

  33. Mylne, in Missions to Hindus, p.92. 

  34. J D Payne, ‘The Legacy of Roland Allen’, in Churchman, April no. 117, http://www.churchsociety.org/churchman/documents/Cman_117_4_Payne.pdf,accessed 18/12/06. 

  35. And indeed, in a way in which Allen did not expect. Allen was depressed in much of his later life, realizing that he would not see widespread acceptance of his methods. Payne, ‘The Legacy of Roland Allen’, p. 319. 

  36. For instance, Mylne’s observation: ‘The one grand object, of course, which every evangelist must pursue, is the development of an indigenous Church which shall work upon lines of its own, taking nothing from European Christianity but the Bible, the Creeds, the Sacraments, and the historic Orders of the Ministry.’ Mylne, in Missions to Hindus, p.110. 

  37. Mylne, in Missions to Hindus, p.188. 

  38. Mylne, Missions to Hindus, p.88. 

  39. Petà Dunstan, 'Some thoughts on Identity in Anglican Religious Life', in Nicolas Stebbing CR (editor), Anglican Religious Life, Dominican Publications, Dublin, 2003. 

  40. H C Lees, ‘The Acid Test’’, reprinted in The Church Record, 13 April 1923, from an article by Lees in the Melbourne Evening Herald

  41. R. Kipling, The Irish Guards in the Great War, vol. 2, London: Macmillan, 1923, Appendix A. 

  42. Kipling, The Irish Guards in the Great War, vol. 2, chapter 2, ‘The Somme and the Salient’ 

  43. Second Supplement to the London Gazette, Tuesday, 13 June, 1916, p.19. 

  44. Kipling, The Irish Guards in the Great War, vol. 2, chapter 2, ‘The Somme and the Salient’. "2nd Lt. Euan Louis Mylne, Ir. Gds., Spec. Res. For conspicuous gallantry in action. In the final stages of the attack, when different units were mixed up, he showed great coolness in reorganising the men. He led on to an advanced position with great dash and consolidated under heavy fire. While doing this he was severely wounded.” London Gazette, issue 29804, 27 October 1916, p.12; issue 29824, 14 November 1916, p. 24. 

  45. London Gazette, issue 31654, 21November 1919, p.5. 

  46. London Gazette, issue 29651, 4July 1916. p. 20; issue 31371, 30 May 1919, p. 9. He obviously remained with the Rifles and the Army of India, as by 1946 he had reached the rank of Lt. Colonel, and was the recipient of the Military Cross. 

  47. London Gazette, issue 30304, 25September 1917, p. 12. He went on to write the history of the Regiment: Captain K. M. Mylne, The History of the Worcestershire Regiment: a lecture to recruits, pp. 32. Worcester,1918. His interest in his father’s involvement in liturgical renewal can be seen in his later publication under the name Fra Ascensione: Liturgia anglicana. Anglice et latine ... and Liturgia scotica anglice et latine, Fra Ascensione: [Edinburgh,] 1962, pp. 88. The name may be a joke – it sounds like a medieval friar’s name, but at the same time refers to ‘la domenica fra Ascensione e Pentecoste’ on the Christian Liturgical Year. There is also a Brentano-designed Anglican ‘Church of the Ascension’ at Cadenabbia on the English resort site of Lake Como. 

  48. Gordon Crosse, Charles Gore: A Biographical Sketch, Milwaukee: Morehouse, 1932, http://anglicanhistory.org/gore/crosse.html,accessed 3/1/07. 

  49. “In contrast to Ely and Norwich, the cathedral clergy of Worcester came overwhelmingly from Oxford University. The link with this university was further strengthened when one of the prebends was annexed by Charles I to the Lady Margaret Professorship of Divinity”. From: 'WORCESTER: Introduction', Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1541-1857: volume 7: Ely, Norwich, Westminster and Worcester dioceses (1992), pp. 101-02. URL:http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.asp?compid=35278. Date accessed: 03January 2007. 

  50. Prestige, The Life of Charles Gore,pp.4-5. 

  51. Quoted in Crosse, Charles Gore

  52. “The population of Birmingham over the half-century 1750–1801increased by more than three times, and hence was substantially in excess of the estimated national increase of 50%. By 1840 the population had increased again by 2.5 times”. Hopkins, Rise of the manufacturing town, p. 119, in Francesca Carnevali, ‘Crooks, thieves, and receivers': transaction costs in nineteenth-century industrial Birmingham’, The Economic History Review, vol.57, no. 3, August 2004, p. 538. 

  53. Charles Gore, The Holy Spirit and the Church: The Reconstruction of Belief, New York: Charles Scribner, 1924, p. v. 

  54. Gore, The Holy Spirit and the Church, p.123-4. 

  55. Charles Gore, The Spiritual Efficiency of the Church: The Primary Charge Delivered at His Visitation to the Clergy and Churchwardens of His Diocese, London: John Murray, 1904, p.16. 

  56. G. Leonard Prestige, The Life of Charles Gore, London: William Heinemann, pp.238, 239-41 

  57. Gore’s father was the Hon. Charles Alexander Gore, a younger brother of the fourth earl of Arran; his mother, Lady Augusta Lavinia Priscilla, daughter of J. W. Ponsonby, fourth earl of Bessborough, and widow of W. T. Petty-Fitzmaurice, earl of Kerry. Charles Mosley (ed.), Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, 106th edition, 2 volumes (Crans, Switzerland: Burke's Peerage (Genealogical Books) Ltd, 1999), vol.1,p.112. 

  58. Wilkinson, ‘Gore, Charles’, Oxford National Dictionary of Biography

  59. No doubt a recognition of Mylne’s position, but also a cause of later tension with Gore’s successor, H. W. Yeatman-Briggs. Letter from Huyshe Wolcott Yeatman-Biggs, Bishop of Worcester, on the admission of Louis George Mylne, formerly Bishop of Bombay, to the Conference, 26 March 1908, Lambeth Palace Archives, LC 75 ff. 21-2. 

  60. Hickson, Heal the Sick, p.8. 

  61. Tyrrell, Woman's World/Woman's Empire, p.33. 

  62. Hickson, Heal the Sick, p.8. 

  63. Jeremy Morris, ‘Ingram, Arthur Foley Winnington- (1858–1946)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/36979, accessed 5Jan 2007]. The standard biography is Percy Colson, Life of the Bishop of London. An authorised biography, London: Jarrolds, 1935. 

  64. London: Wells, Gardner, Darton, 

  65. G H Wilkinson, The Invisible Glory, London : A. R. Mowbray & Co, 1908, p.vi. 

  66. Wilkinson, The Invisible Glory, p.112. 

  67. The Bull, Apostolicae Curae by Pope Leo XIII declared all Anglican Holy Orders "absolutely null and void". 

  68. J H Bernard, Archbishop Benson in Ireland: A Record of His Irish Sermons and Addresses, London: Macmillan and Co., 1896, pp.35ff. 

  69. Hickson, Heal the Sick, p. 9. 

  70. Gore and Russell were firm friends at Harrow, both were in (different) colleges at Oxford, and later Russell was MP for Aylsbury and for North Bedfordshire, when Adeline was the widowed duchess of Bedford. All three were combined in the Anglo-Catholic cause. 

  71. Richard Cavendish, “ On home ground” , History Today, vol.47, no. 8, August 1997; Alan Gregory, It’s only the game that counts : a history of Lord Somers’ Camp and Power House 1929-1989, St. Kilda, Vic.: Lord Somers Camp and Power House, 1994. 

  72. The extended family included Julia Margaret Cameron, the great photographer, Vanessa Bell, Virginia Woolf and the historian H.A.L. Fisher, and (by marriage) the composer Vaughan Williams and the historian F.W. Maitland. 

  73. Ian Tyrrell, Woman's World/Woman's Empire: The Woman's Christian Temperance Union in International Perspective,1880-1930, Chapel Hill, NC.: University of North Carolina Press,1991. p. 31. 

  74. Christopher Cunneen, ‘Ward, William Humble, second earl of Dudley (1867–1932)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, Sept 2004;online edn, May 2006 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/36738, accessed 18 Dec 2006]. 

  75. Bill Forsythe, ‘Russell, Adeline Mary , duchess of Bedford (1852–1920)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2005 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/48836, accessed 18 Dec2006]. See Jowett Papers, ‘Abbott and Campbell papers’, Group 1, Class G, noG16.1, items 20-23, G16.2, item 58, G16.5, item 73; G16.6, items 12, 46, 57;Group II, Class C, no. 147, 148, 149, Balliol College Archives. 

  76. A.C. Benson, The Life of Edward White Benson, Sometime Archbishop of Canterbury, London: MacMillan and Co., 1899, p.583. 

  77. Charles Herbert, Twenty-Five Years as Bishop of London, London: Wells, Gardner, Darton and Co. Ltd,1929, pp. 11-12. 

  78. See Arthur Chandler, Ara Cœli: an essay in mystical theology (1908); Mental Healing in fact and theory. With a few words on meditation (1908); Faith and experience (1911); The Cult of the Passing Moment. Some suggestions towards a theory of the spiritual life (1914); First-Hand Religion: suggestions towards the practice of Christian mysticism (1922); Christian Religious Experience (1929).He also translated and published the Maxims of Madeleine de Souvré, marquise de Sablé

  79. As the Rector of Poplar at the end of the century, Chandler had some 400 children in a Sunday afternoon catechism class based on the Sulpician method. See Peter Davie, Raising up a Faithful People: High Church Priests and Parochial Education, 1850-1910, Leominster: Gracewing 1997. 

  80. Arthur Chandler, ‘The Spirit of Life’, in Report of the Second Anglo-Catholic Congress, London, July 1923, London: Committee of the Congress, 1923. 

  81. Chandler, ‘The Spirit of Life’. 

  82. Arthur Chandler, Ara Coeli: An Essay in Mystical Theology, London: Methuen and Co., 1908, p. vi. 

  83. Chandler, Ara Coeli, p.x. Chandler (1860–1939), was a Fellow and from 1889 Vice Principal of Brasenose College, and succeeded Nowell as rector in 1891. 'Between Poplar High Street and East India Dock Road: All Saints' Church and Rectory', Survey of London: volumes 43 and 44: Poplar, Blackwall and Isle of Dogs (1994), pp.176-80. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.asp?compid=46484. Date accessed: 06 January 2007. He was Bishop of Bloemfontein 1902-1921, taking into account the division of the diocese with the creation of the diocese of the Kimberley during his period. 

  84. There is a photo including Trotter in the Diocese of Brisbane Archives. Conference of Clergy at Bishopsbourne. Published in Supplement to Church Chronicle, June 1905. 

  85. As George Russell noted in his comical account of life in among the upwardly mobile squirearchy in London at this time, such ideas were much in circulation. He notes in his Londoner’s Log-Book that ‘Lady Farringford’ [85] had handed his wife “Selina” (nee “Topham-Sawyer”) [85] a brochure on mental healing by an American New Thought healing pioneer, Helen Wilmans-Post. Russell noted that this had been accompanied both by a marked “abatement of Selina's zeal for the Church, its ministers, and its ministrations,” and an increasing dismissal of the advice of doctors. It was the latter, he ironically quipped, which made him worry about her orthodoxy. GW E Russell, A Londoner’s Log-Book, 1901-1902, London: Smith and Elder, 1902, pp. 258-9. 

  86. Brian Harrison, ‘Dickin, Maria Elisabeth (1870–1951)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/53789, accessed 3 Jan 2007] 

  87. He was ordained (D. 1885, P. 1886), and in 1904 became Vicar of St. Mark, Regent’s Park, London. As well as his work on the English Hymnal, his publications also included Ordo Sacrae Communionis (1893); Follow me ’ome. Song, the words ... by R. Kipling, London& New York: Novello, Ewer & Co,(1897); Church Music (1909); Barrack Ballad, (1909); This Gospel sang the Angels bright, London: Novello and Co, [1913]:; The North Sea Ground, London: West & Co, 1915; Goblin Market, dramatized from Christina Rossetti’s poem. Lifton, (1923); The Holy War. Gospel tableaux for the children, (1926); and St. Edmund, Archbishop of Canterbury, (1933). 

  88. Trevelyan retired to 19, Glenmore Road, Salisbury, where he died Feb. 5, 1937, and was buried at Hindhead. Winchester Coll. Reg.; Crockfords; The Guardian, Apr. 22, 1896; The Times, Feb. 6, 1937. St Alban's Birmingham was linked to Keble College through Earl Beauchamp, one of the church's trustees. St Stephens Bournemouth, a memorial church which had been built to carry on the Anglo Catholic tradition established by Alexander Morden Bennett, first vicar of St Peter's Bournemouth. In 1901 he was living in Great Malvern, Worcestershire. 

  89. Wroughton was born in Ibstone, Buckinghamshire – a parish which was then in Oxfordshire- about 1859, St. George Hanover Square, Westminster, London, England. In 1881, he was living in Chester Square, Belgrave, London, and gave his occupation as ‘common brewer’. On the night of the census, his sister in law, Alice M Cazenoor, was present in the house, as was his wife, Edith C. nee Cazenove. The Wroughtons were linked to Woolley Park, Berkshire, and Ibstone House. Mary Ann Musgrave, niece of Bartholomew Tipping (ob. 1798), the wife of the Rev. Philip Wroughton. Their son Philip Wroughton of Woolley Park sold the estate in 1860 to Sir Thomas Harte Franks, K.C.B., and eventually it passed into the hands of Lord Sumner. 'Parishes: Ibstone', A History of the County of Buckingham: Volume 3 (1925), pp.62-5. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.asp?compid=42530. Date accessed: 07 January 2007. His interests are shown by his book, The Management of Fox Coverts, London: Vinton & Co, 1920. 

  90. Deacon 1846, Priest 1848 Ripon; Curate 1846-8 St Peter's, Leeds; 1848-52 Crick, Northants; Vice-Provost 1854-67, Provost 1867-75, Theological College, Cumbrae; Diocesan Supernumerary 1875-8, Sub-Dean,& Chancellor1878-96, St. Mary's Cathedral, Edinburgh. 

  91. Oswald Mosley, My Life, London: Nelson, 1968, p.10. 

  92. Oswald Mosley, the second Baron, issued a study called A short account of the ancient British Church in 1858

  93. Sir Oswald Mosley, the sixth Baron, commences his life story with the words: ‘WE began with 'Ernald, a Saxon', who lived in the reign of King John at Moseley, a hamlet in Staffordshire four miles from Wolverhampton.’ My Life, p. 1.