02 What gave the Pentecostal movement its appeal? • E-Theses

02 What gave the Pentecostal movement its appeal?

Brett Knowles, , University of Otago, Dunedin

B. Knowles, History of the New Life Churches in New Zealand, Otago PhD.

Chapter 2. © 2003 - Brett Knowles,

An e-theses.webjournals.org article.

 


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2. What gave the Pentecostal movement its appeal?

Some alternatives to the "disinheritance hypothesis"

The 1960s witnessed the rise in New Zealand of what was, in Peter Lineham's words, "one of the strongest Pentecostal movements in the West."1 This formed a constituent part of a world-wide expansion of the "classical Pentecostal" movement in the 1960s and 1970s,2 which in turn helped to prepare the way for the advent of that movement's close relation, the "charismatic renewal."3 However, this Pentecostal growth also coincided with the beginnings of a significant decline in the main-stream churches4 which appears to have been related to the rapid and far-reaching social changes of the era, when the institutions and certainties of previous years no longer seemed to have the same validity or functionality.

The decline in the main-stream churches leads to the question why, by contrast, the Pentecostal movement should have grown as it did in the 1960s and 1970s. Currie, Gilbert and Horsley have pointed out that the same socio-historical processes which bring about the creation of a new organisation simultaneously produce an "external constituency" of those who are disposed towards its message.5 In other words, the rise of a movement is paralleled by the creation, or modification, of its reservoir of support. The social and historical contexts of a movement are therefore important factors in its emergence, and must be analysed in order to understand why the movement should have arisen. As it has been argued in Chapter 1, the "disinheritance hypothesis" does not appear to be valid in the case of the post-war Pentecostal movement, and the causes of its growth must therefore be sought elsewhere. It is posited that three inter-related factors modified the traditional constituency of Pentecostalism in New Zealand and led to its expansion in the 1960s and 1970s. The emergence of a healing movement in the late 1950s formed an initial salient, the effects of which were reinforced by the expansion of the new Evangelicalism, especially as a result of the 1959 Billy Graham Crusade, and, later in the 1960s, by the youth counter-culture and its concomitant "relocation of authority."

These factors were not unique to New Zealand. They exemplified global trends, although the local effects of these were often as diverse as the different social contexts within which they functioned. Nevertheless, these factors were essentially of American origin, and consequently were most prominent in the United States. The common denominator in their dissemination, however, was the role of the media. Significant events in any part of the world were quickly reported internationally, and this global communications network greatly facilitated the expansion of the Pentecostal and Charismatic movements.6 In the remainder of this chapter, It is proposed to survey the American origins of these causative factors, to examine the ways in which these were "imported" into the New Zealand context (particularly following the Second World War), and to put forward an alternative hypothesis for the expansion of New Zealand Pentecostalism in the 1960s.

 

2.1. The Renaissance of the Healing movement

The initial factor in the post-war expansion of Pentecostalism in New Zealand and elsewhere was the renaissance of the healing movement. In the United States, a new generation of healing evangelists had begun to emerge in 1946, spearheaded by William Branham. From small beginnings, this rapidly grew into a movement which "erupted in 1947 with astounding force"7 across America. David Edwin Harrell comments that

the postwar healing revival dwarfed the successes of earlier charismatic revivalists; it had a dramatic impact on the image of American pentecostalism and set off a period of world-wide pentecostal growth. A generation grew up that would never forget the ecstatic years from 1947 to 1952, years filled with long nights of tense anticipation, a hypnotic yearning for the Holy Spirit, and stunning miracles for the believers performed by God's anointed evangelists. In the hallowed atmosphere under the big tents, it seemed most surely that all things were possible.8

However, the healing movement was not a new phenomenon, since divine healing had been advocated by several pietist groups (including the Quakers in the late seventeenth century and the Pennsylvanian German "Dunker Brethren" in the early eighteenth century), as well as by John Wesley and the early Methodists in the mid-eighteenth century. Sporadic instances of healing also occurred in a number of American revivalist groups such as the Shakers,9 the Mormons10 and the Oneida Community,11 as well as in the Adventist movement in the 1840s and, following the publication in 1875 of Mary Baker Eddy's book Science and Health with Key to the Scriptures, in the nascent Christian Science movement. These movements reflected and reinforced a preoccupation with alternative forms of medicine, and demonstrated that interest in the subject of healing was of long standing.12 Of greater importance for the later healing movement, however, was the influence of the Holiness movement. Although Holiness teaching did not directly emphasise divine healing per se, it did provide a doctrinal framework for the later healing revivalism. Paul Chappell observes that13

by propagating the doctrine of Christian perfection or the baptism of the Holy Spirit as purification from sin, the enduement [sic] with power, and the living of a consecrated life of holiness, the nineteenth-century Holiness movement provided the basic theological milieu in which the supernatural gifts of God, and in particular divine healing, would flourish....[Thus] many Holiness adherents experienced increased occurrences of miraculous physical healings as demonstrations of the new dispensation of the Spirit. The belief in and the witness to divine healing attended the Holiness movement at every turn.14

The healing movement also had European antecedents. Several of Edward Irving's followers had experienced divine healing in 1830,15 although the "Catholic Apostolic Church," established as a result of the charismatic activity in Irving's National Scottish Church in Regent Square, London, tended to emphasise the role of prophecy rather than that of healing. Of greater significance for the later healing movement was the influence of three European healers: Johann Christoph Blumhardt, Dorothea Trudel and Otto Stockmayer. Blumhardt was a German Lutheran pastor, and began a ministry of divine healing in 1843, while Dorothea Trudel and Otto Stockmayer were active in Switzerland from 1851 and 1867, respectively. The methods and teachings of these European healers (and of Stockmayer in particular), created precedents and provided models for the practice of healing in Europe, and also exercised some influence on the nascent healing movement in America.16 Nevertheless, healing remained confined to small "fringe" groups until the early 1880s, when, largely as a result of the annual "faith conventions" of Charles Cullis, "massive publicity...effectively spread interest in the doctrine [of divine healing] across the land."17 This publicity, together with a strong revivalist ethos in the 1880s, resulted in an explosive increase in the practice of divine healing throughout the decade. In particular, John Alexander Dowie, whom Harrell describes as being "the father of healing revivalism in America,"18 soon became the most prominent figure in the movement and greatly facilitated its worldwide spread.19

The healing movement in New Zealand also built upon earlier foundations. Since faith-healing was a prominent feature of traditional Maori religion,20 as well as of the various Maori religious movements which arose in response to Christianity,21 it has had a long history in New Zealand. However, despite the general interest in alternative forms of medicine, the practice seldom made an appearance among the pakeha community until the 1880s and 1890s. It did not, for example, feature in the evangelistic campaigns of William "California" Taylor in 1864,22 nor in those of Dr. Alexander Somerville in 1878 and Henry Varley in 1878-1879.23 This absence is perhaps not surprising, given the comparative insignificance of the healing movement in the United States and elsewhere until the early 1880s. Nevertheless, there were some local instances in late nineteenth century New Zealand. Peter Lineham cites the example of an extreme Brethren group in the 1870s, known as the "Feistites," who believed that the church had powers to heal the sick miraculously. This view was not, however, encouraged among other Brethren groups.24

Divine healing became more prominent in New Zealand in 1888, with a ten day convention being held in Wellington in January that year on the theme of "Holiness and Divine Healing," followed two months later by the visit of John Alexander Dowie himself.25 Although Dowie's campaign was not entirely successful since his stay was short and attendances at his meetings small, it nevertheless marked the beginnings of a divine healing movement in New Zealand. However, the "Christian Catholic Church," set up some years later on the foundations laid by Dowie's visit, was a relatively insignificant and short-lived group,26 and these beginnings were therefore modest. The real legacy of this period was an incipient public interest in divine healing upon which later healers were able to build, and which provided the basis for further resurgences of the healing movement in later years. As was the case in the United States and elsewhere, the ministry of Dowie and others in the last two decades of the nineteenth century represented the "first wave" of the divine healing movement.

As has already been noted, Holiness teaching provided a doctrinal framework for the healing movement. It also formed the matrix out of which Pentecostalism emerged,27 and much of this movement's following, and many of its beliefs,28 were derived from its Holiness antecedents. It is thus not surprising that healing has always held an important place in Pentecostal theology,29 and, in fact, played a major role in the spread of Pentecostalism. For example, a testimony of healing during the course of one of Charles Parham's campaigns in August 1903 created the opportunity for him to conduct a revivalist campaign in Galena, Kansas two months later. Here further healings took place, resulting in a Pentecostal revival, and Kansas thus became an early Pentecostal stronghold.30 Healing therefore formed a vital part of the Pentecostal movement's heritage, and continued to be an important element of its practice throughout the first two decades of the movement's existence. The development of Pentecostalism and of the healing movement tended to follow parallel courses, and as the Pentecostal movement grew, a number of the healing evangelists, such as Maria Woodworth-Etter, eventually associated themselves with it.31 This process of association was neither immediate nor automatic, but represented a gravitational attraction towards a movement with which the healers often had considerable affinity of belief. In this way, healing became largely, although not exclusively, identified as a Pentecostal phenomenon.

The ministry of many of the early healers continued throughout the first two decades of the twentieth century. By 1920, however, a second generation of healing evangelists was emerging. This included people such as Smith Wigglesworth, F.F. Bosworth, Thomas Wyatt, John G. Lake, Raymond T. Richey, Aimee Semple McPherson and Charles S. Price.32 This new generation of healing evangelists enjoyed a heyday throughout the 1920s, and continued to be active, although on a considerably lesser scale, throughout the 1930s. Some of these evangelists helped to stimulate the post-war healing movement, with Dr. Charles Price probably having the greatest influence on the healing revivalists of the postwar period.33 This "second wave" of healing revivalism in the 1920s was significant for the New Zealand Pentecostal movement, since it was as a result of this that Pentecostalism was established in this country. The person primarily responsible for this was the inimitable English evangelist, Smith Wigglesworth, whose two healing campaigns (28 May to 10 July 1922, and 26 October 1923 to 24 January 1924) were the first large-scale Pentecostal campaigns in New Zealand, and led to the formation of the Pentecostal Church of New Zealand.34 Other Pentecostal groups soon followed suit. The Assemblies of God was set up in New Zealand in 1927, and the Apostolic Church several years later in the early 1930s.

Wigglesworth's campaigns, although highly individualistic, were by no means unique. As had also been the case with John Alexander Dowie in the 1880s, his activities formed a component part of a growing revivalist movement in New Zealand.35 Douglas Ireton observes that "visiting revivalists were far more common in the 1920s than in any previous period"36 and that "the development of [this] revivalist movement in the 1920s and early 1930s marked a significant change in the religious pattern of the nation."37 This burgeoning and complex movement encompassed a broad and somewhat disparate spectrum of concerns. At one level it included non-fundamentalist revivalism, represented in the person of Lionel Fletcher, the prominent Congregationalist evangelist and pastor of the Beresford Street Congregational Church, Auckland, from 1924 to 1930;38 at another, fundamentalist revivalism, of which Joseph Kemp, the pastor of the influential Auckland Baptist Tabernacle, was the most vigorous proponent.39 Kemp's activities also had some links with the non-revivalist fundamentalism of P.B. Fraser, the Presbyterian scourge of theological liberalism.40 The revivalism of the 1920s was therefore not limited to the activity of visiting overseas evangelists, but also extended to those within New Zealand who sought to defend the faith from the inroads of "modernism."

Furthermore, Wigglesworth was only one of a number of healers in New Zealand in the 1920s and 1930s, and his campaigns represented only one particular style of healing revivalism. Consequently, although he "appealed to those disaffected with the state of the church"41 and had surprising success, his energetic, aggressive brand of Christianity did not please everybody. However, a number of other healers were able to influence a different constituency from that of Wigglesworth. The best-known of these was Tahupotiki Wiremu Ratana, who built upon the traditional Maori interest in faith-healing. Although Ratana's focus was primarily on his own Maori people, his activities from 1918 until 1925 (the year in which the Ratana church was formed) stimulated wide interest in healing throughout the country. James Moore Hickson,42 an Anglican layman with a healing ministry, also visited Australia and New Zealand in 1923-1924, his campaigns receiving the support of the Anglican bishops. These two healers reached people untouched by Wigglesworth. The result was a lasting and widespread, but not always overt, interest in divine healing. This was related to public interest in alternative medicine, and had some of the characteristics of a "folk-religion," forming a deeper level of public awareness, rekindled occasionally by specific events such as the campaigns of A.H. Dallimore from 1927 onwards.

Dallimore was perhaps the most flamboyant of the healing campaigners in the 1920s and 1930s, and his activities sometimes tended towards the idiosyncratic. Peter Lineham observes that "Dallimore's huge meetings in the Auckland Town Hall in 1931, with his bizarre healings of animals and blessing of handkerchiefs, made good newspaper copy."43 Nevertheless, negative reportage such as this still constituted free publicity for the healing movement, and helped to reinforce public awareness of healing. This awareness of, and interest in, healing, as well as the links between the healing movement and the new Pentecostalism, helped to lay the foundation for the Pentecostal movement in New Zealand,44 and although the issue of divine healing sometimes tended to be seen as "beyond the fringe" due to the activities of some of its more colourful practitioners, yet there remained a certain degree of public sympathy for the idea, if not always for the practice.

The ministry of Smith Wigglesworth and other healers in the 1920s therefore formed part of a resurgent revivalist movement in this country, and reinforced the beginnings of what Douglas Ireton has described as a "national fascination" with healing.45 Although the roots of this "fascination" go back to the nineteenth century, Ireton argues that this was reinforced by three specific factors in the 1920s. The first of these was the consciousness of mortality following the First World War and the influenza epidemic of 1918; the second was an interest in new extensions of psycho-analytic theory and aspects of "mental hygiene"; while the third was a reaction to theological "demystification" and to the move away from an emphasis on the supernatural.46 These three factors helped to foster public receptivity towards healing, and to extend the constituency of the resultant healing revivalism, and, by association, of the Pentecostal movement. This "second wave" of healing revivalism in the 1920s therefore provided the Pentecostal movement in New Zealand with a reservoir of support upon which it was able to build.

Following the Second World War, a "third wave" of healing revivalism began in the United States, and spread to many parts of the world. As was the case with the earlier healing revivalism of the 1880s and 1920s, this resurgence formed part of a larger revivalist impulse. It also had, as Harrell observes, "a dramatic impact on the image of American pentecostalism and set off a period of world-wide pentecostal growth."47 Accounts of the beginnings of this revival of healing are permeated by legend. William Branham's story of his angelic visitation on 7 May 1946,48 and Oral Roberts' testimony of his miraculous healing from tuberculosis and stuttering49 and of hearing the audible voice of God telling him "Son, I am going to heal you and you are going to take My healing power to your generation"50 are classic examples of the genre,51 and reflect something of the hunger for the miraculous which pervaded the American Pentecostal movement after the Second World War.52 This keen sense of anticipation, combined with a mood of co-operation amongst the Pentecostal churches (which may itself have been partly a consequence of Pentecostal membership in the newly-formed National Association of Evangelicals) made possible the healing revival which erupted in 1947. Harrell concludes that

the times were ripe. Pentecostalism had become affluent enough to support mass evangelism. It had become tolerant enough to overlook doctrinal differences. Convictions were still deep enough that there was a longing for revival. As the older generation thrilled to the memories of the miracle ministries of the 1920s, the young yearned for a new rain of miracles.53

While the expectation that a new healing revival would come was certainly a factor in the emergence of the post-war movement, social conditions also played a part in its expansion throughout America in the late 1940s and early 1950s. These included public anxiety, resulting from the advances of Communism and from the frightening power of the atom; the increasing upward socio-economic mobility of the population, especially in the move to the cities, together with social dislocation; a perception that the order of things was changing rapidly and that the world was no longer the same; all of these factors combined to produce a hunger for the "old-time religion" which alone could bring the reassurance for which people were searching. In this hunger for reassurance, the healing evangelists found their constituency.

The peak of the healing revival lasted from 1947 to 1952. Throughout this period, healing campaigns were being conducted across America, and in some cases, in other countries as well. The career of Oral Roberts exemplifies the progress of the movement. From small beginnings in June 1947, when he resigned his pastorate and moved to Tulsa, Oklahoma, in the heart of the "Bible Belt," to begin healing evangelism, his ministry began to expand. By November that year, he was publishing his own magazine (Healing Waters) and was being regularly heard over five radio stations. The following year, Roberts formed his own evangelistic organization, gathered a team of talented assistants, and launched out into tent campaigns in his recently-purchased 2,000-seat "tent cathedral." This tent quickly proved to be too small, and by 1953, had been expanded to a capacity of 12,500. Roberts' reported results for 1952 claim total attendances of 1,500,000 in eleven tent campaigns, 66,000 people prayed for in the "healing lines" and 38,457 conversions. By 1953, his radio programme was being broadcast over more than 300 stations. He branched out into television ministry the following year, initially broadcasting over nine stations; this network had grown to 136 stations by 1957. Oral Roberts was one of the most successful healing campaigners and his success both reflected, and helped to foster, the rapidly expanding constituency of the healing evangelists.54 But, because the healing revival was clearly identifiable as a Pentecostal phenomenon, its success represented a growing reservoir of support for Pentecostalism also, and helped to lay the foundations for the world-wide expansion of this movement in the 1960s.

In the United States, the healing revival reached its peak in 1952, and continued unabated until the mid-1950s. However, by 1956 it had begun to lose its momentum and was changing its focus to become an international movement. This change of direction built upon the extensive communications networks established by the healing evangelists through their books, magazines and mailing lists. Thus, although none of the healing revivalists came to New Zealand until the late 1950s, Pentecostal groups throughout the country were well-informed of what was happening in the United States. In particular, the "Slavic and Oriental Mission" in Wellington, a Pentecostal missionary agency founded in 1932 by Len J. Jones, and later renamed "World Outreach," ran a well-stocked bookshop known as the "Evidence Book Depot," which engaged in the importing and distributing of books and publications relating to the American healing revival and to Pentecostalism in general. The "Slavic and Oriental Mission" also published a monthly magazine called The Evidence which gave extensive publicity to the healing revival. Consequently, although the arrival of several American Pentecostal evangelists in the later 1950s was to provide the specific catalyst for the resurgence of the healing movement in New Zealand, the ideas and theology behind the movement were already well established long before their arrival.55

A forerunner of the post-war resurgence of healing in New Zealand emerged in 1955-56, when Assemblies of God evangelists Ray Bloomfield and Frank Houston began revivalist meetings among rural Maori at Waiomio, near Kawakawa in Northland.56 Although this revival was highly successful and continued until 1959 when Houston relocated to Lower Hutt, it nevertheless remained an isolated incident, and had little effect beyond one or two local areas.57 The real beginnings of the post-war healing movement in New Zealand came in late 1957, with the arrival of the American evangelist Tommy Hicks.58 Although Hicks' visit was for the purpose of conducting evangelistic healing campaigns in Christchurch and Wellington, it had the effect of inspiring others to adopt this style of healing evangelism. Rob Wheeler remarked that Hicks' campaign "was our first exposure to an evangelist, really....Ron Coady and myself got fired up on evangelism."59 Others (for example, Norman White of the Apostolic Church) were similarly inspired.

Stirred by Hicks' campaign, Rob Wheeler resigned his Tauranga pastorate, and began to organise a healing-evangelism ministry, setting up a non-profit society, the "Word of Faith Ministry," to facilitate "the propagation of the Full Gospel." The term "Full Gospel"60 (originally a description of the characteristic teachings of early Pentecostalism)61 accurately reflected Wheeler's new understanding of evangelism, denoting the full power of the Gospel as the Pentecostal movement understood it, i.e. salvation, divine healing and the Baptism of the Spirit. By the end of 1957, Wheeler had acquired a 36-foot by 18-foot ex-army tent and launched into evangelistic healing campaigns using this tent as a "mobile church," consciously modelling his method of Pentecostal evangelism on the tent crusades of Oral Roberts in the United States.62 Wheeler was one of the first in New Zealand to engage in this type of Pentecostal healing campaign, although others (for example, the White brothers, Ian Hunt, Graeme Jacks and Mike Bensley) soon followed suit, using tent-churches and local halls as venues, and campaigning, when invited, on behalf of other churches. This activity marked the beginning of the post-war resurgence of healing ministries in New Zealand.63

Despite their Pentecostalist belief in the baptism of the Spirit, the "Full Gospel" campaigners soon came to focus their emphasis on salvation and healing. Wheeler, for example, recalled preaching in his early campaigns

purely from an evangelistic point of view....I wasn't touching Water Baptism. In fact, at that time [late 1950s] I wasn't even touching the Baptism of the Spirit, because it was such a `dicey' subject. Salvation and Divine Healing were it!64

Early campaign reports in Bible Deliverance confirm Wheeler's recollections of this change of focus. Although many of these reports did include testimonies of those "baptised in the Spirit," this feature is submerged in a much larger volume of testimonies of healing. This emphasis reflects the perception of the "Full Gospel" campaigners that healing was not only part of the Gospel; it was also a "sign" of the miraculous power of God, which vindicated and authenticated the message of the evangelists as truly "coming from God."65 They therefore laid considerable stress on healing, and, although the baptism of the Spirit formed part of their message, it was a comparatively minor component until mid-1961, when it began to assume greater prominence.

Although Rob Wheeler was later to recall his second campaign (conducted among East Coast Maori) as being "an absolute landslide,"66 in actual fact comparatively little success was achieved for several years.67 By late 1959, however, the campaigns of the "Full Gospel" campaigners were beginning to be reinforced by the visits of overseas healing evangelists. The most successful of these was A.S. Worley, who arrived in New Zealand from the United States in October 1959 to conduct healing meetings, and who had spectacular success in Timaru in June and July 1960.68 An equally successful campaign was conducted by Paul Collins and Ron Coady in Gore in March the following year.69 These two healing campaigns marked the breakthrough for the "Full Gospel" in the South Island, and, together with the campaigns of Rob Wheeler and others in the North Island, stimulated the movement's expansion throughout the country. The main emphasis of these campaigns was on salvation and healing, although the baptism of the Spirit became a more prominent feature after mid-1961.70 This vigorous growth continued for the next five years, and during this period, most localities in New Zealand were the target of some form of "Full Gospel" campaign. Following these campaigns, local "Full Gospel" churches were often set up in order to consolidate the results of the campaign and to care for the converts. Many of these local, autonomous, self-governing "Full Gospel" assemblies, sometimes collectively known as the "Indigenous [Full Gospel] churches," formed the nucleus of what were later to become the "New Life Churches of New Zealand." This "Full Gospel" healing revivalism therefore laid the foundations for the "New Life Churches" and stimulated the expansion of the Pentecostal movement in the 1960s.71

The resurgence of healing in the late 1950s and early 1960s therefore represented a "third wave" of the healing movement in New Zealand. It capitalised on the tradition of alternative medicine, including divine healing, inherited from the 1880s and 1920s, and also on the interest in divine healing generated by the campaigns of Oral Roberts and others in America throughout the 1950s. The arrival of Tommy Hicks in late 1957 provided the "spark" which ignited this interest and initiated a wave of "Full Gospel" healing evangelism in New Zealand. The emphasis placed by these "Full Gospel" campaigners on healing thus enabled them to tap into a broad sub-stratum of public interest, and provided them with a reservoir of support from those already predisposed to their beliefs. Divine healing was therefore the core factor in their success, and helped to lay the foundations for the expansion of the New Zealand Pentecostal movement in the 1960s.

 

2.2. The context of the new Pentecostalism

As also had been the case in the 1920s, the resurgence of the healing movement after the Second World War sparked a parallel expansion of the Pentecostal movement. The effects of this resurgence were reinforced by the emergence of the new Evangelicalism, which, although sharing the Fundamentalist concern for the inerrancy and authority of the Scriptures, was much less militant in tone than its predecessor. The ministry of Billy Graham both exemplified and helped to disseminate this new Evangelicalism, and his crusades extended a reservoir of support which the Pentecostal movement was able to utilise. Graham's 1959 crusades made a significant impact on the style of Evangelicalism in New Zealand, and in so doing widened the Pentecostal watershed created by the healing movement. Because the Pentecostal message of the "Full Gospel" campaigners emphasised salvation as well as divine healing, this effectively provided them with a double constituency (i.e. of Evangelicalism and of divine healing). Divine healing formed the core of Pentecostal attraction, the shadow under which the nucleus of its following had gathered; the new Evangelicalism represented a wider penumbra, an expanded constituency of people disposed to the evangelical message of Pentecostalism. This laid the foundation for Pentecostal expansion in the 1960s.

 

2.2.1. The Post-War Revival: Its causes and effects

Towards the end of the Second World War, a major resurgence of religion began to occur in many parts of the world. It is not quite accurate to describe this as an "evangelical revival,"72 since it took no single form, and was not limited to any particular theological perspective or geographical area. Although this resurgence was experienced across the whole spectrum of the Church, it was nevertheless most prominent in the United States of America,73 where it was activated by the beginnings of an affluent and mobile consumer society, and by a pervasive sense of public anxiety. This sense of unease was a product of the "Cold War" between the Communist Bloc and the "Free" World, and of the process of rapid social and political change which reflected the altered realities of the post-war era. These factors enhanced the perceived desirability of "traditional" American religion, which now functioned as a patriotic bulwark against the menace of the dreaded "Reds," particularly in the McCarthy era of the 1950s, and as a source of reassurance in the face of a frightening new world.

The religious resurgence in America manifested itself in a number of different ways.74 At one level, it was reflected in new and generalised forms of American civil religion, in which religious tradition was perceived as a constituent part of the "American Way" and religious commitment linked with patriotism. This perception was most clearly exemplified in President Dwight D. Eisenhower's "classic justification for the new religious outlook. `Our government,' he said in 1954, `makes no sense unless it is founded on a deeply felt religious faith - and I don't care what it is.'"75 American religion in the Eisenhower years has been characterised as "generalized religiosity" and "self-satisfied patriotic moralism."76 This "generalised religiosity" both reinforced, and was reinforced by, other strands of the post-war religious resurgence, including theological and liturgical renewals which affected many American churches and the rise of what became known as the new Evangelicalism. The revival of American religion was therefore as much a cultural, civil and social resurgence as a purely religious one.

While the resurgence of religion was most pronounced in the United States, it was by no means confined to the American Continent. The New Zealand churches, for example, enjoyed vigorous growth in the period following the end of the Second World War, and this period of expansion continued up to the end of the 1950s. Their growth reflected the changes brought about by the

prolonged post-war economic boom....New Zealand society became more complex and much more sophisticated. Most of [these changes] were a function of size - population growth and urbanization - or products of prosperity. They were underpinned by economic development.77

In response to the challenge of the post-war boom, and to the increasing urbanization (or rather, suburbanization) of New Zealand society, most churches undertook church building and church extension programmes, and placed a conscious emphasis on evangelism. In so doing, they were utilising the unprecedented opportunities made available to them. Examples of this vigorous activity were the "New Life Movement" in the Presbyterian Church,78 which "created a mood of optimism, giving a renewed sense of mission,"79 and the Baptist "Church Extension" Programme, originally set up in 1934, which had its period of maximum effectiveness in the late 1950s, with some twenty-four Baptist churches being established in the five years from 1955 to 1960.80

The expansion of the New Zealand churches in the late 1940s and throughout the 1950s therefore formed part of a world-wide resurgence of religion. However, the causes of this growth were not always identical. In New Zealand, the emphasis was on reconstruction, rather than reassurance, and the praxis of the era stressed the extension and expansion of the churches into the new suburban areas, rather than the rehabilitation of "traditional" cultural and religious values, as was the case in the United States. However, this dissimilarity of emphasis did not necessarily imply that there was no public anxiety in this country, or that New Zealanders were isolated and insulated from developments in other parts of the world. Participation in the expanding international communications network, especially following the introduction of television in the early 1960s, and the increasing popularity of overseas travel helped to extend New Zealanders' awareness of global problems. This consciousness was paralleled by a gradual severance of ties with Britain, and a corresponding reorientation towards the United States. As a consequence of this shift of focus, American influence in New Zealand became considerable, both in the secular and religious fields. The clearest example of the way in which this changed orientation effected New Zealand religion is to be found in the Billy Graham Crusades of 1959. These marked a milestone for Evangelicalism in this country, and, as will be seen, were major factors in the creation of a "watershed" for the New Life Churches in the 1960s.

 

2.2.2. The Old Fundamentalism and the New Evangelicalism

A prominent feature of the post-war religious resurgence was the emergence of a new Evangelicalism, which, although directly descended from the Fundamentalism of the 1920s, was broader in focus, and less combative in temperament, than its predecessor.81 There appear to have been four distinct stages in the development of this new movement. In the years up to 1919, Evangelicalism essentially represented a continuation of traditional American religion. However, the end of the First World War signalled the start of a seven-year period of conflict, when many Evangelicals took up arms against what they perceived as the destructive inroads of "modernism." These conservative Evangelicals soon became known as the Fundamentalist Movement, since they emphasised the primacy and authority of the Scriptures and held to the "Fundamentals" of the Christian Faith.82 The climax of this period of conflict came with the 1925 Scopes "monkey trial," which resulted in the conviction of a young high school teacher for teaching the theory of evolution to his pupils contrary to the laws of the State of Tennessee. The trial, which "bore more resemblance to a camp meeting (or a prize fight) than to a legal process," was widely publicised, and became something of a "national joke."83 Although the Fundamentalists, in the person of William Jennings Bryan, the counsel for the prosecution, won their case in court, the victory proved to be a pyrrhic one, since the movement thereby gained a reputation for being intransigent, narrow-minded and reactionary, and the term "fundamentalist" became something of a pejorative epithet. The two decades after 1925 marked a period of withdrawal and regrouping for the Fundamentalist movement, in which its ethos became more militantly separatist and defensively sectarian. In the early 1940s, however, some sections of the movement began to move away from this separatism. This shift prepared the way for "the emergence of a self-conscious new evangelicalism out of the original fundamentalist tradition and hence the clear division of that tradition into two major movements - evangelicalism and separatist fundamentalism."84

The key distinction between the old Fundamentalism and the new Evangelicalism was one of mood and emphasis, rather one of than doctrine. Fundamentalism as a movement was characterised by an "anti-modernist" temper, a combative approach to doctrinal questions, and a refusal to recognise any critical interpretative approach which would weaken their dogmatic position, especially in relation to the inerrancy of the Scriptures. In practice, this resulted in attitudes of intolerance, contentiousness and separatism, and Fundamentalists of this type "maintained a steadfast refusal to cooperate with apostates and even sometimes with friends of apostates."85 By contrast, the new Evangelicals, while maintaining the essential core of Fundamentalist belief, were much more moderate in their application of principle. They "continued to oppose liberalism in theology but dropped militancy as a primary aspect of their identity."86 In so doing, they sought to construct a broad coalition of theologically conservative Protestants, and consequently tolerated some doctrinal differences, including those raised by Pentecostalism. Their main focus and central activity was evangelism (and especially that form of evangelism as epitomised by Billy Graham),87 and this helped to moderate their inherited Fundamentalist ethos of separation from "the world."

The New Evangelicalism took institutional form in America with the establishment of the National Association of Evangelicals (hereafter cited as NAE) in 1942. The formation of this group represented a reaction, not only to the liberalism of the Federal Council of Churches, but also to the

politically oriented and rabidly exclusivist American Council of Churches which Carl McIntire had organized during the preceding year. Though agreeing with McIntire that conservatives needed to counter the Federal Council of Churches with some corporate expression, many evangelicals wanted a less divisive and more constructive association. The NAE, therefore, replaced the moribund agencies of the old Fundamentalist movement and drew into its increasingly diversified activities a growing number of churches.88

The NAE provided a basis for inter-denominational "cooperation without compromise" among conservative Christians. It represented a "middle of the road" form of Evangelicalism, and, although still viewing theological liberalism with caution, had a more conciliatory and open approach to co-operation with non-conservative churches than its Fundamentalist forerunners.89

The new conservative orientation was exemplified and popularised by Billy Graham.90 In his Crusades, Graham

insisted that the executives of a crusade be men in full sympathy with his [evangelistic] objectives, but he welcomed all, whatever their theology, who would co-operate with his platform. Thus Graham...was [the] spearhead of a new ecumenicity, breaking down the barriers raised by a generation or more of theological bitterness.91

As a result of his policy of inclusion, Graham often encountered opposition from his former associates in the Fundamentalist movement who considered him "guilty of associating with men of false beliefs on the Bible, the Atonement, and other `fundamentals of the faith.'"92 Yet Graham did not wholly dissociate himself from his Fundamentalist past, since he continued to place major emphasis on "the Bible says...." Nevertheless, he made a clear differentiation between the new Evangelicals and the Fundamentalists. He was to claim (in reply to a question as to whether or not he was a Fundamentalist) that

if by fundamentalist you mean `narrow', `bigoted', `prejudiced', `extremist', `emotional', `snake-handler', `without social conscience', - then I am definitely not a fundamentalist. However, if by fundamentalist you mean a person who accepts the authority of the Scriptures, the virgin birth of Christ, the atoning death of Christ, His bodily resurrection, His second coming and personal salvation by faith through grace, then I am a fundamentalist. However, I much prefer being called a `Christian.'93

Graham's crusades did much to give the new Evangelicals a sense of identity which did not depend upon the separatist ethos inherited from their Fundamentalist forerunners. Thus, "by 1956...Graham had become a rallying point for the National Association of Evangelicals, and he was doing much to alleviate the identity crisis of conservative evangelicalism."94 Both in terms of a "break-out" from the mind-set of separatist Fundamentalism, and of the growing general awareness of its message, the public shape of the new Evangelicalism owed much to the Billy Graham Crusades. However, this was not the only significant factor which stimulated the growing self-identity of the movement. The creation of a number of evangelical para-church agencies, such as Youth for Christ, Navigators, Campus Crusade for Christ and other similar organizations for evangelism, also helped to promote an informal ecumenism in which evangelical believers could relate with one another across ecclesiastical boundaries on the basis of a common faith and task, rather than on the basis of denominational categories. This further reinforced the Evangelical movement's growing sense of identity.

Thus, although the new Evangelicalism was essentially a self-sufficient American subculture, its influence was not confined to the United States of America. The extensive publicity given to many of its proponents (and, in particular, to Billy Graham)95 contributed greatly to the geographical and ecclesiastical expansion of the movement. The power of the media was recognised and utilised to the full. However, this use involved more than an acceptance of fortuitous publicity. Rather, Evangelical exploitation of the media in the service of the Gospel was a quite deliberate policy forming part of a strategy of evangelism.96 This was not a new phenomenon, since it had been a feature of revivalist campaigns of the late nineteenth century, when "ample press coverage was sought and usually secured" for the revivalists' activities.97 The practice set the pattern for later professional evangelism, and the publicity given to Billy Graham's activities helped to lay the foundation for his visit to New Zealand in 1959.

 

2.2.3. The 1959 Billy Graham Crusade and its significance for the Pentecostal expansion of the 1960s

The 1959 Billy Graham Crusade was, on the face of it, highly successful. Graham himself was to claim that he had "preached to more people in six days in New Zealand than in any other week of my ministry,"98 and the Crusade was hailed by some of its supporters as "the time when New Zealand has been closest to a general spiritual revival."99 The official statistics give some indication of the impact of the Crusade, at least in the short term, on the religious consciousness of the country. These show that an estimated 574,300 people attended during the twelve days of the Crusade, 185,000 of them at the "land-line" meetings in other centres, and that 17,493 "decisions for Christ" had been recorded.100 However, these impressive statistics do not necessarily tell the whole story, since, as Bryan Gilling points out, the attendance figures make no allowance for people who may have attended more than once.101 Furthermore, the "decisions" did not always represent conversions to Christianity. Of these, 6,606 (or 37.76% of the total) were for "re-affirmation of faith," "assurance of salvation" or "restoration," rather than an "acceptance of Christ" for the first time.102 The number of "decisions" falling into these three categories (which presuppose some degree of previous Christian involvement), indicate that a sizable proportion, at least, of the attendance at the Crusade comprised those already within the ambit of the churches. The evidence suggests that "mass evangelists have little real effect on people who are not already within the churches' orbit;...in fact, the evangelists are moving `in the company of the converted,' or at least the sympathetic."103 It therefore appears that the Crusade failed to evoke a significant response from the unchurched majority of the New Zealand public. The ambivalence of these results is noted by Colin Brown, who comments that Billy Graham's visit

fortified the supporters of such evangelism in their belief in its effectiveness, failed to convert their critics and, in the absence of precise information, had an effect on church life not easily determined. Success, real or imagined, led some to urge a return visit.104

However, the Crusade did have some long-term effects on New Zealand Christianity, and these, as will be argued, were significant for the expansion of New Zealand Pentecostalism in the 1960s.

In effect, the 1959 Billy Graham Crusade marked the apogee of a decade and a half of vigorous church life. Since the end of the Second World War, most churches had multiplied and expanded, and almost all sections of mainstream New Zealand Christianity exhibited a more self-confident, energetic and authoritarian ethos than is the case today. This ethos reflected the expansionist mood of the wider society, and demonstrated the strength of the traditional institutions of the period. A commitment to evangelism formed a significant part of this growth, and constituted a key element in programmes such as the Presbyterian "New Life Movement"105 within the churches, and, as was the case in America, contributed to the creation of new para-church agencies for evangelism.106 However, despite this commitment, there was no consensus within the main-stream churches as to what actually constituted the practice of evangelism. There appeared to be three broad approaches to the issue. Some groups (the Salvation Army and the Baptists, in particular) "retained a faith in large, evangelistic meetings in which a high-powered preacher, backed by suitable music and other aids, pressed for personal decisions." Others stressed the "social witness" of Christianity, while a third group

laid stress on the processes of nurture and education rather than the setting-up of occasions for individual conversions. All of these views were held in the churches and some of their members admitted to none exclusively. The presence and persistence of such differences of opinion helps to explain why, throughout the history of the NCC, there have been such endless discussions about the strategy of evangelism.107

However, despite this lack of unanimity in definition and method, evangelism remained an integral part of New Zealand church life throughout the 1950s, and contributed to the continuing growth of the churches throughout the decade.

The Billy Graham Crusade both complemented, and at the same time modified, this evangelistic praxis, and had some long-term effects on New Zealand Christianity, the most significant of which was the importation of a largely self-sufficient American Evangelical sub-culture.108 Its arrival did not necessarily imply that New Zealand Evangelicalism was in a state of decline. On the contrary, several New Zealand churches (the Baptists, the Brethren and the Salvation Army, for example) were zealously Evangelical, and there was also an informal "network" of Evangelical organisations, including the Pounawea and Ngaruawahia Keswick camps, para-church agencies such as Scripture Union and Open Air Campaigners, and various missionary associations. Consequently this American style of Evangelicalism was welcomed in some sections of the New Zealand Church, and its innate dynamism helped to modify and to reorient New Zealand Evangelicalism towards a less institutional, more extrovert, style. This contributed towards a shift in the constituency of New Zealand Pentecostalism, and, in so doing, provided the conditions for its expansion in the 1960s.

The beginnings of this gradual shift in the orientation of New Zealand Evangelicalism were not, at first, readily apparent. Many of the main-stream churches had benefitted greatly from the Billy Graham Crusade, and Bryan Gilling observes that

the major denominations did best in terms of referrals of enquirers [from the Crusade]. The Church of England gained 1836, the Presbyterians 1114, Methodists 749, the Baptists 275, Brethren 97 and Salvation Army 96, with other groups acquiring even fewer.109

Nevertheless, it is evident that the momentum of the Crusade was not continued. There were several reasons for this. Firstly, although the invitation to Billy Graham had been issued in the name of the National Council of Churches, acting on behalf of its member churches, not all of these were in full agreement with his theology or methods. Secondly, Graham represented an imported style of evangelism, rather than an indigenous one, and the tendency of New Zealand churches to rely on overseas models and resources meant that the challenge of continuing evangelism was not pursued with the same vigour following his departure.110

Furthermore, the emphasis placed on the Crusade reinforced a propensity to regard it as a terminus ad quem, an ultimate "end" in itself, rather than as part of an ongoing programme of evangelism. John Pollock, Billy Graham's biographer, laments that "much was lost because many individual churches failed to learn in time that a Crusade should not be a single burst of activity but part of a continuing programme of evangelism."111 There was therefore a "vacuum of expectation" following the Crusade, although a number of churches and para-church groups continued to pursue similar styles of evangelism in the 1960s. These groups were able to conserve some of the momentum of the Crusade (to some extent at the expense of the more liberal churches), and to exploit the massive media coverage which had surrounded it. This publicity had resulted in an increased public awareness of the Evangelicals, thus facilitating the diffusion of their message, and helped to produce the beginnings of a gradual movement of the centre of gravity of New Zealand religion in the direction of Evangelicalism.

A related factor which helped to reinforce the beginnings of this shift was an apparent variation in the quality of the follow-up given to the converts of the Crusade. Although many of the churches were conscientious in their follow-up of these converts,112 there was also some evidence of a lack of pastoral care of some converts by those churches to which they had been referred. Pollock, for example, relates several such instances of neglect from the New Zealand Crusade, and concludes that "on the basis of evidence from crusades all over the world, many of those [converts] lost to sight because of the unsympathetic attitude of a church found a spiritual home elsewhere, even if after a temporary lapse."113 Whether justified or not, this perception of pastoral neglect appears to have produced a drift of some of the converts of the Crusade towards the Evangelical churches, thus reinforcing the shift towards Evangelicalism.

Pentecostal groups (particularly the "Full Gospel" evangelists, and the "Indigenous [Full Gospel] Churches" which were formed as a result of their healing campaigns) were also beneficiaries of this drift towards Evangelicalism. The informal ecumenism of the Billy Graham Crusade reinforced a sense of Evangelical identity based upon an individual's personal "decision for Christ" rather than upon denominational affiliation. This reflected the tendency for individual Evangelicals to define themselves as "Christian," rather than in denominational categories, and facilitated movement across denominational boundaries, thus making a transfer to a sympathetic church or para-church group less difficult for the converts of the Crusade. Since the Pentecostal movement generally prided itself on its "non-denominationalism," this "trans-denominational" (or, more correctly, "non-denominational") Evangelical identity did much to expand its reservoir of support in the 1960s.

Two further factors are significant. The first of these is the large representation of young people among the converts of the Billy Graham Crusade. The official statistics show that 7,981 (or 45.62%) of the 17,493 converts were aged between five to eighteen years.114 This high proportion of young people assumes some significance in the light of church statistics for the 1960s,115 since these show that all mainstream churches had begun to lose their younger members several years before the overall membership figures began to decline.116 This was particularly noticeable in the case of the Presbyterian Church, with both Sunday School and Bible Class attendances showing marked declines from 1962 on. It is not claimed that there is a direct and necessary connection between the high proportion of young people converted at the Billy Graham Crusade and their loss to the churches several years later. There does, however, appear to be a change in the nature of church adherence in so far as younger people were concerned, which was reflected in a move away from an institutional loyalty to a less formal style of "belonging." This change was, to some extent, a reflection of the increasing individualism of most forms of social life in the 1960s. Since the core emphasis of the Billy Graham Crusade (and also of Evangelicalism in general) was that of a person's own faith-relationship with Jesus as Saviour and Lord, this individualistic form of religiosity fitted well with the unstructured and idealistic ethos of the 1960s. This may explain why young people, in particular, should have gravitated towards the less institutional Evangelical churches as well as towards Pentecostalism.

The most important legacy of the Billy Graham Crusade was its emphasis on "the Bible says...." This provided a source of authority, and hence, of reassurance, in an age tense with anxiety over the threat of nuclear holocaust, the advances of Communism117 and the erosion of many of the old value-standards of family and community life. While this invocation of the authority of the Bible can be characterised as a revolt against modernity (at a time when, as Edward Farley and Peter Hodgson put it, "the house of authority has collapsed, despite the fact that many people still try to live in it"),118 it was vindicated, at least in the eyes of conservative Christians, by the "Honest to God" debate from 1963 on119 and, in New Zealand, by the Geering heresy trial in 1967.120 In the eyes of conservative Christians, such "departures from the faith" tended to reinforce their view that these were the "last days"121 and that a return to traditional, authoritative, Biblical forms of Christianity was necessary.

The decay of institutional forms of secular authority throughout the 1960s, such as that produced by widespread political protest against the Vietnam War, and, in the social sphere, by the loosening of traditional codes of sexual morality, reinforced this yearning for authoritative answers. The fundamentalist appeal to "the Bible says" enabled the Evangelicals to tap into a mood of public anxiety, and so to provide this reassurance. The Pentecostal churches also benefitted, since, as Robert Mapes Anderson observes, "the Pentecostals have always prided themselves on their commitment to what they believe to be the Fundamentals of historic Christianity."122 At least part of the reason for the success of the "New Life Churches" (along with other Pentecostal groups) in the 1960s lay in their evangelical ethos and their fundamentalist stress on "the Bible says." The early impetus towards the "New Life Churches" and other Pentecostal groups therefore represented not so much a movement in the direction of Pentecostalism (or later, towards the emerging Charismatic movement), but rather part of an attraction towards the assurance provided by an Evangelical/Fundamentalist faith,123 and towards a restoration of traditional values.

To summarise: the Billy Graham Crusade had a significant effect on the development of New Zealand religion in the 1960s. In particular, the emphasis on "the Bible says" provided a potent source of reassurance, particularly during the tense early years of the 1960s. As well as this, the Americanised style of Evangelicalism represented by the Billy Graham Crusade fitted well with the individualistic ethos of the era, and helped to enlarge the reservoir of support for Pentecostalism. In so doing, it extended the effects of the healing movement, which had formed the initial salient for Pentecostal expansion in the late 1950s and early 1960s, and enabled the Pentecostal movement, especially the forerunners of the "New Life Churches," to capitalise on the beginnings of a movement towards Evangelicalism. Although comparatively small in its early stages, this Pentecostal expansion laid the foundation for the rapid growth of the movement in the later 1960s and early 1970s. However, this later expansion was due to a different set of social factors, namely the "youth counter-culture" and the concomitant "relocation of authority." It is to these that we now turn.

 

2.3. The Youth Counter-Culture and the Relocation of Authority

Two inter-acting and complementary factors led to the expansion of the New Zealand Pentecostal movement in the early 1960s. Those attracted to the movement by its practice of healing formed an initial core of support, which was enlarged and augmented by the Evangelicalism and Fundamentalism of the 1959 Billy Graham Crusade. These were only initial catalysts, however, and their effectiveness was most evident during the earlier years of the 1960s. They became less functional as the decade progressed, both in terms of the wider New Zealand context,124 and also of the praxis of the Pentecostal churches themselves. By 1965, the emphasis of the Indigenous Churches (i.e. the forerunners of the New Life Churches) had changed from purely evangelistic and healing endeavour, as, for example, in Rob Wheeler's tent campaigns, to more of a "church-planting" approach. However, evangelism and healing continued to play important, if somewhat less emphasised, roles, and still form a part of the teaching and practice of the New Life Churches as well as of other Pentecostal and Charismatic groups.

The Evangelical/Fundamentalist constituency of the Pentecostal groups was reinforced, yet also subtly changed, by an emerging "Youth Counter-Culture" in the late 1960s.125 The ethos of this counter-culture was anti-materialistic: "during the late 1960s, a range of youthful voices articulated the problems of the spirit in a materialistic culture."126 This anti-materialism was manifest in groups as diverse as the Hippie movement, the Values Party, the Hare Krishnas and the Jesus People, all emphasising the primacy of "spiritual" values as opposed to a materialistic ethos, and in the various protest movements which asserted the importance of individual people and of the views that they held, in opposition to any collective form of authority. Thus, "the underlying changes in the golden 1960s were social rather than political..., individual rather than public. If they took a mass form, they did so as protest movements confronting, or, at the most, working alongside party structures."127

Although these social and individual changes were world-wide in scope, their counter-cultural nature was most clearly seen in the context of the United States, where they were linked to protests over the American role in the Vietnam war. While similar protests also occurred in New Zealand, the American phenomenon was more "organized," more publicized, and was a more clearly identifiable counter-culture than was the case in New Zealand. The "Jesus People" formed a Christian wing of this protest movement, both in America and elsewhere.

The "Jesus People" movement appears to have begun in California in late 1966.128 It had no single source, although its emergence appears to owe much to "a movement of the Spirit that arose from within the Haight-Ashbury district of San Francisco during the golden days when it was the mecca of the counter-culture."129 The movement was varied, both in origins and in emphases, and its adherents covered a wide social spectrum which ranged from the "Jesus Freaks" who had come into the movement directly from the "drug scene" to the "straights" who had their origins in mainstream middle-class America. The "Jesus Movement" grew rapidly, and by June 1971, had been featured on the cover of Time magazine.130 Despite the diversity of their backgrounds, the "Jesus People" shared a disillusionment with institutional Christianity,131 an emphasis on the primacy of experience,132 and a fundamentalistic approach to the Bible.133 They were not, however, necessarily anti-establishment, since they did not seek to oppose or change society, so much as to ignore it.134 Nor were they always charismatic.135 Although many of the "Jesus People" were participants in the Charismatic movement,136 others avoided being identified with it.137 Nevertheless, the "Jesus People," and the youth counter-culture of which they formed a part, helped to reinforce a movement towards the Charismatic and Pentecostal churches, especially in America. In some extent, this was also the case in New Zealand.138

Although too much weight should not be placed on the role of the youth counter-culture in New Zealand during the 1960s,139 the movement was important because of the social perceptions that it exemplified. It was not a monolithic single-issue movement, but articulated a mood which went much wider than the youth counter-culture itself. Although this mood was manifested in different ways and led to different emphases, there were, nevertheless, several common denominators. The various strands of the youth counter-culture can be summarised under three headings. The first of these was that of anti-materialism, and a corresponding emphasis on "values" and things of the "spirit." A second, related, common denominator was a resistance to collectively-imposed forms of authority. This involved a rejection of traditional "institutional" standards of conduct, with the location of authority being both personalised and internalised: "do your own thing!" and "if it feels good, do it!" Thirdly, this dependence on internal forms of authority was based on personal awareness and experience, either as an individual, or as part of a group. This was most evident in the drug culture and in the use of mind-altering drugs, such as LSD, to expand one's level of personal awareness and experience. The culture, the group, and the personal experience itself thus became the internalised authorities: "drop out, tune in, turn on!"

These three factors (spiritual "values", internalised forms of authority, and stress on personalised experience)140 combined to complement the role of Evangelicalism and Fundamentalism in stimulating the growth of the Pentecostal Churches in the late 1960s. By now, classical Evangelicalism and Fundamentalism appeared to be losing their appeal, and this was demonstrated in Billy Graham's second visit in 1969. Although this campaign was, according to Ron O'Grady, a "repeat performance" of the 1959 visit, "something was different. In ten years the climate had changed."141 The numerical response to Billy Graham's message was only about half that of ten years previously. However, although the late 1960s appear less receptive to the simple Fundamentalism of ten years previously, this continued to be functional where it was adapted and reinforced by the personalised ethos of the youth counter-culture. In the climate of the late 1960s, the individual's experience of spiritual reality was the critical determinant. "The Bible says" was now "the Bible says to me." Although external "authorities" (for example, Billy Graham) continued to be valued, they were subordinated to the new criteria of internalised and personalised "spiritual experience."

The Pentecostal churches, because they emphasised the experience of the Spirit, and tended to both internalise and personalise the fundamentalist authority of "the Bible says," continued to grow throughout the 1960s. The stress on a personal experience of the Spirit, rather than on material, visible institutions of authority, aligned these churches with the ethos of the era. The mainstream churches, because more institutional, were unable to respond in the same way. Crises in the mainstream churches, such as the Geering heresy trial, tended to reinforce an increasing institutional dysfunctionality,142 and further accentuated the appeal of the Pentecostal and Charismatic groups.

 

2.4. Summary and Conclusion

The growth of the Pentecostal churches (and of the Indigenous Churches in particular) in the early 1960s was stimulated by their practice of healing, which enabled them to tap into a sub-strata of public belief in alternative forms of medicine. This core of appeal was widened and reinforced by the movement's Evangelical/Fundamentalist approach to the Bible, which functioned as a source of assurance. This approach enabled them to capitalise on the results of the Billy Graham Crusade and to utilise an enlarged Evangelical/Fundamentalist reservoir of support, thus providing the basis for later growth in the 1960s. The effects of these two factors were confined largely to the early years of the 1960s, but were reinforced later in the decade by the emerging youth counter-culture with its emphasis on "spiritual values," together with its individualization and personalization of authority, based upon one's own personal experience. The Pentecostal stress on charismatic experience therefore fitted neatly into the ethos of the 1960s. In addition, the Pentecostal churches, because they were not as institutional as the mainstream churches, were better able to respond to the changing character of the era, and thus to continue their growth at a time when other churches were beginning to decline.

 


Notes

1. Peter J. Lineham, "When the Roll is Called Up Yonder, Who'll be There?" in "Rescue the Perishing": Comparative Perspectives in Evangelicalism and Revivalism, Waikato Studies in Religion, vol.1, ed. Douglas Pratt (Auckland: College Communications, 1989), p.16.

2. i.e. that section of the Pentecostal movement which lies outside the larger Christian denominations.

3. i.e. that section of the Pentecostal movement which lies within the mainstream churches. The two wings of the movement are sometimes collectively entitled Pentecostalism or Neo-Pentecostalism (as, for example, by Colin Brown, "How Significant is the Charismatic Movement?" in Religion in New Zealand Society, 2nd ed., edited by Brian Colless and Peter Donovan (Palmerston North: Dunmore Press, 1985), pp.99-118).

4. The extent of this decline is demonstrated by church statistics for the period. These are summarised in Appendix A.

5. Currie et al., Churches and Churchgoers, pp.67-68.

6. An example of this was the account of Dennis Bennett, the Rector of St. Mark's Episcopal Church in Van Nuys, California, who, on 3 April 1960, informed his congregation that he had been "baptised in the Spirit." This was reported in Time magazine (15 August 1960, p.55), and created a world-wide sensation. Although Bennett was asked to resign by his vestry, this incident was effectively the beginning of the Charismatic renewal in America (Nichol, The Pentecostals, p.240).

7. David Edwin Harrell, Jnr., All Things are Possible: The Healing and Charismatic Revivals in Modern America (Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1975), p.20. Harrell's book is a sympathetic, yet objective and thorough, coverage of the origins and major figures of the American post-war healing revival.

8. Ibid., pp.20-21.

9. William M. Kephart, Extraordinary Groups: the Sociology of Unconventional Life-Styles (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1976), p.166.

10. Sydney E. Ahlstrom, A Religious History of the American People (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973), p.505.

11. The Oneida Community was a perfectionist, utopian sect, founded in the early 1840s by John Humphrey Noyes, and moving to Oneida in 1848. They held property and "affections" in common, and their practice of "complex marriage" (i.e. the sharing of wives and husbands, within the confines of the community of participating members) earned them considerable notoriety. They also practised faith-healing (John McKelvie Whitworth, God's Blueprints: A Sociological Study of Three Utopian Sects (Boston: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975), pp.113-115).

12. The extent and diversity of this interest in healing is demonstrated by the wide spectrum of groups referred to in the various articles in W.J. Sheils, ed., The Church and Healing: Papers read at the twentieth summer meeting and the twenty-first winter meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society (Oxford: Basil Blackwell for the Ecclesiastical History Society, 1982).

13. P.G.Chappell, "Healing Movements," in Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, ed. Stanley M. Burgess, Gary B. McGee, and Patrick H. Alexander (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 1988), pp.353-374. Chappell's article gives a good summary of the historical development of the healing movements, although his focus (as is that of the Dictionary as a whole) is restricted to the American context.

14. Ibid., p.357.

15. For an account of these healings, see Andrew Landale Drummond, Edward Irving and his circle; including some consideration of the `Tongues' Movement in the light of modern psychology (London: James Clarke and Co., [1934]), pp.140-141, 152; also C. Gordon Strachan, The Pentecostal Theology of Edward Irving (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1973), pp.66ff; and Worsfold, History, p.34.

16. The significance of these three healers for the later healing movement is discussed in Chappell, "Healing Movements," in Burgess et al., Dictionary, pp.355-356.

17. Ibid., p.359.

18. Harrell, All Things are Possible, p.13.

19. Chappell, "Healing Movements," in Burgess et al., Dictionary, pp.366-367; also see E.L.Blumhofer, "Dowie, John Alexander," in Ibid., pp.248-249.

20. For examples of this, see Edward Shortland, Maori Religion and Mythology (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1882), pp.31-32, and Elsdon Best, Maori Religion and Mythology: Being an Account of the Cosmogony, Anthropogony, Religious Beliefs and Rites, Magic and Folk Lore of the Maori Folk of New Zealand, Dominion Museum Bulletin No.10, Section 1 (Wellington: Government Printer, 1924), pp.233ff.

21. See Bronwyn Elsmore, Like Them That Dream: The Maori and the Old Testament (Tauranga: Tauranga Moana Press, 1985), passim. Elsmore deals with the topic in greater detail in idem, Mana from Heaven: A Century of Maori Prophets in New Zealand (Tauranga: Moana Press, 1989), and in particular with the various Maori healing movements in the 1850s, which she calls "the decade of the healers" (chapters 14-23; pp.95-159).

22. Taylor does not mention the subject in the account of his New Zealand campaigns in his grandiosely entitled autobiography (William Taylor, Story of My Life: An Account of what I have thought and said and done in my ministry of more than fifty-three years in Christian Lands and among the Heathen. Written by Myself, ed. John Clark Ridpath (New York: Eaton and Mains, 1895), pp.315-317).

23. Newspaper reports of their Dunedin campaigns fail to mention the subject (see Otago Daily Times, May 1878, and October 1878 to March 1879, for accounts of the Somerville and Varley campaigns, respectively).

24. Peter J. Lineham, There we found Brethren: A History of Assemblies of Brethren in New Zealand (Palmerston North: G.P.H. Society, 1977), p.43. Lineham gives a summary of the development of the belief in divine healing in New Zealand in his article "Tongues must cease": 11-12.

25. Worsfold, History, pp.85-86.

26. Ibid., pp.86-88.

27. Chappell sees many areas of congruence between the Holiness, healing, and Pentecostal movements (Chappell, "Healing Movements," in Burgess et al., Dictionary, passim).

28. For example, their characteristic emphasis on the Baptism of the Spirit differed from that held by the Holiness movement only in respect of the Pentecostal insistence on glossolalia as the initial evidence of the "infilling of the Spirit."

29. Nichol, The Pentecostals, pp.15-16: "From the very beginning of the Pentecostal movement...the doctrine of divine healing has remained as one of its cardinal truths - an important facet of its `full gospel' message. Healing has been preached and practised because Pentecostals believe that deliverance from physical sickness is provided for in the atonement and is the privilege of all believers."

30. Ibid., pp.30ff. and 63ff. A much fuller account of Parham's evangelistic activity (and of the role of healing within it), is to be found in James R. Goff, Jnr., Fields White Unto Harvest: Charles F. Parham and the Missionary Origins of Pentecostalism (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1988).

31. Edith L. Blumhofer comments that although Mrs. Woodworth-Etter "did not identify with the Pentecostal movement until 1912...[she] ministered widely under Pentecostal auspices until her death in 1924" (Edith L. Blumhofer, The Assemblies of God: A Chapter in the Story of American Pentecostalism, 2 vols. (Springfield, Missouri: Gospel Publishing House, 1989), 1:35).

32. Harrell, All Things are Possible, p.17. The careers of these healing evangelists (as well as the earlier ministries of John Alexander Dowie and Maria Woodworth-Etter) are set out in chapter 2 of this book.

33. For an example of the influence of Dr. Price, see Demos Shakarian and John and Elizabeth Sherrill, The Happiest People on Earth (Old Tappan, New Jersey: Spire Books, 1975), pp.74-75 and 81-83. Shakarian attributes at least part of the inspiration for the formation of the Full Gospel Business Mens' Fellowship International (a key group in the emergence and spread of the Charismatic Renewal) to Dr. Price.

34. In the 1950s, partly as a result of the schism in 1946 over the issue of "the Name" which led to the secession of the initial component of what was later to become the "New Life Churches," the Pentecostal Church of New Zealand formed links with the Elim Churches in Great Britain, and since this time, has been known by the name of "The Elim Church of New Zealand" (Worsfold, History, p.191).

35. The best survey of this aspect of the 1920s Revivalist movement is Douglas Ireton, "A time to heal: the appeal of Smith Wigglesworth in New Zealand 1922-1924" (B.A. (Honours) Dissertation in History, Massey University, 1984).

36. Idem, "`O Lord, How Long?': A Revival Movement in New Zealand 1920-1933" (M.A. (Honours) Thesis in History, Massey University, 1986), p.5. This thesis is an extensive survey of the revivalist and fundamentalist movement in New Zealand in the 1920s and early 1930s, concentrating on the roles of the Auckland Evangelicals, such as Joseph W. Kemp, Lionel B. Fletcher et al.

37. Ibid., p.2.

38. See Fletcher's autobiographical work Mighty Moments, for a sample of his sermons and evangelistic methodology (Lionel B. Fletcher, Mighty Moments (London: Religious Tract Society, 1931)).

39. For an excellent account of the fundamentalist movement in New Zealand, focused on the activities of Joseph W. Kemp, see Jane M.R. Simpson, "Joseph W. Kemp and the impact of American Fundamentalism in New Zealand" (B.A. (Honours) Dissertation in History, University of Waikato, 1986).

40. See Allan K. Davidson, "A Protesting Presbyterian: the Reverend P.B. Fraser and New Zealand Presbyterianism 1892-1940," Journal of Religious History 14 (December 1986): 193-217.

41. Ireton, "A time to heal," p.21.

42. For a critical account of Hickson's healing ministry, and of the controversy which surrounded it in England, see Stuart Mews, "The revival of spiritual healing in the Church of England 1920-26," in Sheils, The Church and Healing, pp.299-331.

43. Lineham, "Tongues must cease": 13.

44. Ibid.: 11-13, and Thompson, "Sects in New Zealand," p.89, both argue that the role of healing was a crucial one in the development and spread of the New Zealand Pentecostal movement.

45. Ireton, "A time to heal," pp.25-29.

46. Ibid.

47. Harrell, All Things are Possible, p.21.

48. See Ibid., pp.27-28, for an account of this.

49. Ibid., p.42.

50. This commission formed the raison d'être of Roberts' ministry (Oral Roberts, How God Speaks to Me (Tulsa, Oklahoma: Oral Roberts, 1964), pp.8-9, cited in David Edwin Harrell, Jnr., Oral Roberts: An American Life (Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1985), p.5).

51. Many of the healing revivalists made similar claims. For example, T.L.Osborn (one of the leading healing evangelists) claimed a divine visitation at the commencement of his ministry (T.L.Osborn, Healing the Sick, 12th ed. (Tulsa, Oklahoma: T.L.Osborn Evangelistic Association, 1959), chapter 42, "When God Spoke to Me," pp.204-210). It is significant that Gordon Lindsay, the consolidator and co-ordinator of the healing revival (Harrell, All Things are Possible, pp.53-58) should publish a book of character sketches of twenty-two of the major figures in the revival under the title Men who heard from Heaven. The title reflected the healing evangelists' claims to divine legitimation for their ministry. Despite this somewhat "sexist" title, the book did, however, profile one woman evangelist, Louise Nankivell (Harrell, All Things are Possible, p.83).

52. Harrell, All Things are Possible, pp.18ff.

53. Ibid., p.20.

54. While a brief résumé of Oral Roberts' career is to be found in Ibid., pp.41-52, the major critical biography is Harrell, Oral Roberts: An American Life.

55. Two particularly important figures in the transmission of the ideas and theology of the healing revival to New Zealand were Oral Roberts and T.L. Osborn. Oral Roberts' effectiveness as an evangelist was multiplied by his numerous publications, which found a wide acceptance and helped to spread the message of the healing movement beyond the boundaries of its traditional (i.e. Pentecostal) constituency. T.L. Osborn was less well known in America than Roberts, since he focused his efforts on missionary campaigns outside the United States (see Harrell, All Things are Possible, pp.63-66 and 169-172 for a brief synopsis of his ministry). Osborn's major emphasis was that of "providing the tools" to native Christians in overseas countries to enable them to undertake the task of evangelism. A major feature of his "Harvest plan" (T.L. Osborn, Impact (Tulsa, Oklahoma: T.L. Osborn Evangelistic Association, 1963) pp.91-93; also Harrell, All Things are Possible, p.169) was the production of tonnes of free literature for distribution in foreign countries. This literature consisted exclusively of Osborn's own sermons and books, translated into the languages of the various mission fields. The effect of this massive literary productivity was to spread the message of the healing revival, of which Osborn's writings provide a typical example, world-wide. Another Osborn policy was to provide free gift sets of his writings to every student of every English-speaking Pentecostal Bible School in the world. This policy was aimed at spreading an awareness of the need of the mission fields, and of Osborn's concept of the role of healing and miracles in facilitating the fulfilment of the "Great Commission." In this respect, his policy was highly successful, although his American ideas did not always translate easily across cultural boundaries. The result tended to be a transplanted form of American Pentecostalism.

56. An account of this is given in Hazel Houston, Being Frank: The Frank Houston Story (London: Marshall Pickering, 1989). This book is a biography of Frank Houston, her husband, who was pastor of the Lower Hutt Assembly of God from 1959 to 1977, and General Superintendent of the Assemblies of God in New Zealand from 1966 on.

57. Hazel Houston comments that "most other Assemblies of God churches in New Zealand at that time were small and hardly recognizable as Pentecostal. The Queen Street Assembly in Auckland was the exception. By Ray [Bloomfield's] standards even that was conservative" (Ibid., p.100).

58. Hicks was widely known for a spectacularly successful campaign in Argentina in 1954, where "the attendance never dropped below 60,000 a night, and on at least one night was reported by the Buenos Aires newspapers to have passed 200,000" ("But what about Tommy Hicks?" Christian Century LXXI (7 July 1954), 814, cited in Nichol, The Pentecostals, p.224).

59. Wheeler, Interview.

60. Bible Deliverance, April 1959. p.2. Bible Deliverance was the magazine of Wheeler's "Word of Faith Ministry," and as such, is a valuable source for the development of the healing movement in the early 1960s, and of the churches which resulted from these healing campaigns.

61. Nichol, The Pentecostals, pp.7-8.

62. Wheeler later commented that he regarded Oral Roberts as "my hero" (Wheeler, Interview).

63. The visit of British faith-healer Dr. Christopher Woodard in 1958 created vigorous public debate on the subject of healing (for an example of this, see the "Letters to the Editor" column in the Otago Daily Times from 18 June to 14 July 1958). Woodard was an Harley Street physician and author of several books on healing (Christopher Woodard, A Doctor Heals by Faith (London: Max Parrish, 1953), and idem, A Doctor's Faith holds fast (London: Max Parrish, 1955)). However, since Woodard believed that "all disease originates in the spirit and can be cured by a right attitude to things" (Woodard, A Doctor Heals by Faith, pp.55-56), his approach to healing was rather different from that of the "Full Gospel" evangelists, who, for their part, saw divine healing by the power of God as being a component part of, and witness to, the "Full Gospel." Nevertheless, the publicity surrounding Woodard's visit helped to further the "Full Gospel" cause.

64. Wheeler, Interview. Emphasis as cited.

65. This perception was "proof-texted" by reference to John 3:2: "Rabbi, we know that thou art a teacher come from God: for no man can do these miracles that thou doest, except God be with him" (KJV).

66. Wheeler, Interview.

67. Wheeler commented that his first campaign (at Mount Maunganui in November 1957) produced "practically nothing" by way of results (Ibid.). Furthermore, "opposition from established, lifeless works, together with practically no support, was all part of the programme" ("Regions Beyond - The Missionary Page: The East Coast Maori Work - Rangitukia," Bible Deliverance, April 1959, p.9).

68. Although the Worley campaign claimed some 600 converts over the five-week period, "healings" were the most prominent feature. Within a week of the start of the campaign, full-page advertisements were placed in the local paper claiming healings of "heart trouble, asthma, complete deafness, stroke, arthritis and other complaints" (Timaru Herald, 28 June 1960). The healing of a small child's club foot proved to be the turning point of the campaign, since this was given a three-column write-up by the Timaru Herald ("Parents Say Prayer Transformed Boy's Twisted Foot; Now Walks Unaided," Timaru Herald, 6 July 1960, p.12) and from then on attendances at the campaign meetings grew dramatically. Claims were also made that peoples' teeth had been filled with gold, silver and other materials as a "sign" of the power of God. Controversy over these claims helped to focus further attention on the campaign, and it received widespread publicity as a result. The campaign was eventually discussed in Parliament, when, during the course of an in-committee debate on the estimates of the Health Department, the Rev. Clyde Carr, M.P. for Timaru, referred to the claims of "teeth-filling" and "asked could the Minister [of Health] or the Director of Dental Hygiene look into the matter?" (New Zealand Parliamentary Debates [hereafter cited as NZPD], vol.324, p.2544 (23 September 1960)). The Minister of Health was also asked "to take action to prevent the malpractices of quacks and unqualified people who assumed duties for which they were not equipped" ("Timaru Faith Healing Mission Discussed by Mr. Carr in House," Timaru Herald, 24 September 1960, p.12). The response of the Minister was not recorded.

69. The Gore campaign, and the claims of healing which attended it, made front-page news ("Religious Upheaval caused in Gore by Claims of Divine Healing," Otago Daily Times, 24 March 1961, p.1).

70. Peter Morrow characterises the two-year period from 1960 to 1962 as "a healing revival" and differentiates between this and the later charismatic renewal (Peter Morrow, Interview, Dunedin, 30 July 1990).

71. Although many of the participants in the "Full Gospel" healing movement eventually gravitated towards the "Indigenous Churches," not all of the independent groups established by these revivalists associated themselves with these churches. Norman White, for example, was associated with the Apostolic Church, while Ian Hunt's "Open Door Mission" in Palmerston North remained an independent church for some years, but later became part of the Elim Churches of New Zealand. Nevertheless, the "Indigenous Churches" (later renamed the "New Life Churches") were the main beneficiaries of this healing movement. Ian Clark commented that the Assemblies of God did not begin this type of revivalism until some time later, and that as a result of the spectacularly successful "Full Gospel" campaigns in Timaru and Gore, and of Rob Wheeler's tent campaigns, "a great cry went up [in the Assemblies of God] `Why can't we do something like that too?'" Frank Houston (who became Superintendent of the Assemblies of God in 1966) was the key figure in the eventual implementation of this type of campaign (Clark, Interview).

72. As, for example, does Richard M. Riss, Latter Rain: The Latter Rain movement of 1948 and the Mid-Twentieth Century Evangelical Awakening (Etobicoke, Ontario: Honeycomb Visual Productions, 1987).

73. Ahlstrom, Religious History, pp.949-963, offers the best short treatment of this resurgence in America. Winthrop S. Hudson, Religion in America (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1965) pp.382-391, also gives a useful short account.

74. Although Hudson asserts that "unlike earlier religious revivals, the `return to religion' of the 1950s was formless and unstructured, manifesting itself in many different ways and reinforcing all religious faiths quite indiscriminately" (Hudson, Religion, p.383), Ahlstrom is able to distinguish five overlapping types of revival which made up the post-war religious resurgence in America (Ahlstrom, Religious History, pp.954-963).

75. Christian Century 71 (1954), cited in Christianity Today, 8 May 1961, and thence in Ahlstrom, Religious History, p.954.

76. Ahlstrom, Religious History, p.954.

77. Sinclair, History of New Zealand [1984], pp.298-299.

78. I.G.Marquand, "The New Zealand Presbyterian New Life Movement: A Case Study in Church Growth" (M.Th. Thesis in Church History, University of Otago, 1977). Marquand's study is supplemented at several important points by Owen Rogers, "The New Zealand Presbyterian New Life Movement" (B.D. Dissertation in Church History, University of Otago, 1990), who points out that the New Life Movement was the product of a lay-oriented movement in the Presbyterian Church from 1944 on, which emphasised the role of evangelism, seeing the whole congregation of the church as the evangelising unit, in which "the Holy Spirit's power [was] working from below upwards, rather than from the top downwards" (Ibid., p.5). The New Life Movement both incorporated and amended this emphasis, and "altered the meaning of the term evangelism, to some extent, away from soul-winning to church extension" (Ibid., p.6). The change of focus grew more pronounced as the New Life Movement progressed. The effect of the New Life Movement was reinforced by J.D.Salmond's emphasis on the role of religious education (Duncan Macleod, "J.D.Salmond's contribution to Religious Education in N.Z." (Dissertation in Church History, University of Otago, 1991), passim).

79. Allan Davidson, "1931-1960: Depression, War, New Life," in Presbyterians in Aotearoa 1840-1990, ed. Dennis McEldowney (Wellington: Presbyterian Church of New Zealand, 1990), p.124. The title of the "New Life Churches of New Zealand" has no apparent connection with the Presbyterian "New Life Movement."

80. S.L. Edgar, A Handful of Grain, The Centenary History of the Baptist Union of New Zealand, vol.4, 1945-1982 (Wellington: New Zealand Baptist Historical Society, 1982).

81. The best short account of these changes, and of the historical relationship between the earlier Fundamentalism and the new Evangelicalism, is to be found in George M. Marsden, "From Fundamentalism to Evangelicalism: A Historical Analysis," in The Evangelicals: What they believe, Who they are, Where they are changing, ed. David F. Wells and John D. Woodbridge (New York: Abingdon Press, 1975), pp.122-142. Another good coverage (focusing on the ministry of Billy Graham) is Lowell D. Streiker and Gerald S. Strober, Religion and the New Majority: Billy Graham, Middle America, and the Politics of the 70s (New York: Associated Press, 1972), especially chapter 3.

82. The "Fundamentals" have often been identified with the "Five Points," formulated at the 1910 General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in America. These were: (1) the Inerrancy of the Scriptures, (2) the Virgin Birth of Christ, (3) the Substitutionary Atonement of Christ, (4) the Physical Resurrection of the Body, and (5) the miracle-working power of Christ (see Ernest R. Sandeen, The Origins of Fundamentalism: Towards a Historical Interpretation, Historical Series (American Church), vol.10 (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1968), p.22; also idem, The Roots of Fundamentalism: British and American Millenarianism 1800-1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), pp.xiv.ff.; and Martin E. Marty, "Tensions within Contemporary Evangelicalism: A Critical Appraisal," in Wells and Woodbridge, The Evangelicals, p.173). However, as Sandeen points out (Sandeen, Origins, p.22), the "Five Points" were never adopted as an "official" credal statement. They served as an indicator of where the Fundamentalist credal centre lay, rather than as a definition of their doctrinal position. The focus of Fundamentalism was dispensational and millenarian, and the 1878 Niagara Creed (set out in fourteen points) clearly reflects this emphasis. It was this creed, rather than the "Five Points" which set out the "official" Fundamentalist belief (Sandeen, Roots, pp.xiv-xv. Sandeen gives the text of the Niagara Creed itself as an appendix (Ibid., pp.273-277)).

83. Ahlstrom, Religious History, p.909.

84. Marsden, "Fundamentalism to Evangelicalism," in Wells and Woodbridge, The Evangelicals, p.128.

85. Ibid.

86. Ibid., pp.128-129.

87. Ibid., p.129.

88. Ahlstrom, Religious History, p.958. See also George H. Williams and Rodney L. Peterson, "Evangelicals: Society, the State, the Nation (1925-1975)," in Wells and Woodbridge, The Evangelicals, pp.221-222.

89. Pentecostal groups were actively involved with the NAE, and by the mid-1950s, formed a major component of its membership. Blumhofer, for example, refers to the Assemblies of God as "one of the NAE's key financial contributors" (Blumhofer, The Assemblies of God, 2:44). This was the first time that these groups had been linked with other Christians in an association such as this, and therefore reflects the beginnings of a movement away from the "ghetto-mentality" of early Pentecostalism. The NAE effectively gave "something like denominational status to the `Third Force' in American Christianity" (Ahlstrom, Religious History, p.958; see also Williams and Peterson, "Evangelicals," in Wells and Woodbridge, The Evangelicals, p.222).

90. Despite the prominence of Billy Graham, his crusades represented only one component of the Evangelical resurgence. For a superbly articulate account of the various types of American Evangelicalism in the 1980s, see Randall Balmer, Mine Eyes have seen the Glory: A Journey into the Evangelical Subculture in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989). Balmer writes from the perspective of a former Evangelical, and is able to combine objective analysis and critical detachment together with an "inside" understanding of, and empathy with, the complex subculture which he describes. He succeeds in demonstrating conclusively that Evangelicalism is not to be categorised as a "monolithic fundamentalism," but rather as a multi-faceted subculture. Facets of this Evangelical sub-culture included the healing evangelism of Oral Roberts and others in the United States, and the "Latter Rain" (an "independent" Pentecostal movement which emerged in Canada in 1948). This latter movement was of particular importance in the history of the New Life Churches.

91. John Pollock, Billy Graham: The Authorised Biography (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1966), p.128.

92. Ibid., pp.128-129.

93. Billy Graham in Look, 7 February 1956, cited in Bryan Gilling, "Mass Evangelism in Mid Twentieth Century New Zealand," in Pratt, "Rescue the Perishing," p.44. Emphasis as cited.

94. Ahlstrom, Religious History, p.957.

95. A classic example of this was William Randolph Hearst's famous telegram ordering his editors to "Puff Graham!" The publicity generated by Hearst's instructions to build Billy Graham's Los Angeles Crusade into a front-page story both spread the awareness of the emerging new Evangelicalism, and helped to launch him into world-wide prominence (Stanley High, Billy Graham: The personal story of the man, his message and his mission (Kingswood, Surrey: World's Work (1913), 1958), p.148).

96. "Evangelical use of the media was central" in the rise of the New Evangelicalism (Stewart M. Hoover, Mass Media Religion: The Social Sources of the Electronic Church (Newbury Park, California: SAGE Publications, 1988), p.41). The roots of the "Electronic Church" in America in the 1980s are to be found in the perceived importance by Evangelicals of access to, and exploitation of, the mass media.

97. Ahlstrom, Religious History, p.746.

98. Billy Graham, cited in Christchurch Star, 9 April 1959, and thence in Warner Hutchinson and Cliff Wilson, Let the People Rejoice (Wellington: Crusader Bookroom Society, 1959), p.130.

99. Cited in Gilling, "Mass Evangelism," in Pratt, "Rescue the Perishing," p.49. Gilling does not record the source of this claim.

100. Hutchinson and Wilson, Let the People Rejoice, pp.142-146.

101. Gilling, "Mass Evangelism," in Pratt, "Rescue the Perishing," p.49.

102. Hutchinson and Wilson, Let the People Rejoice, p.144.

103. Gilling, "Mass Evangelism," in Pratt, "Rescue the Perishing," p.52. Gilling further argues this point in a companion article in the same volume (Idem, "Convinced Christians convincing convinced Christians? A Study of Attenders at a Luis Palau Crusade Meeting," in Ibid., pp.77-95), and, at greater length, in his Ph.D. thesis, "Retelling the Old, Old Story." These give important surveys of the Billy Graham Crusades in the wider context of New Zealand Evangelicalism.

104. Colin Brown, Forty Years On: A History of the National Council of Churches in New Zealand 1941-1981 (Christchurch: National Council of Churches, 1981), p.103.

105. This "combined emphases on evangelism, stewardship and the growth of the church" (Peter J. Lineham, "Religion," in New Zealand Book of Events, ed. Bryce Fraser (Auckland: Reed Methuen, 1986), p.351). The stated purpose of the "New Life Movement" was to "proclaim that in the whole of life that Jesus Christ is Lord. This is to find expression under the guidance of the Holy Spirit through a re-vitalizing of the inner life of the Church, through aggressive congregational evangelism, through emphasis on stewardship of time, abilities and money, and through a bold policy of church extension and development at home, and reconstruction abroad. The twin emphases on evangelism and stewardship were seen as affecting the whole life of the Church and its membership" (Presbyterian General Assembly, 1949, cited in Davidson, "Depression, War, New Life," in McEldowney, Presbyterians in Aotearoa, p.123).

106. For example, Youth for Christ, which commenced in Auckland in 1948 (Lineham, "Religion," in New Zealand Book of Events, p.351).

107. Brown, Forty Years On, p.101. Brown includes sections discussing the involvement of the NCC in evangelism on pp.101-104 and 133-138.

108. The success of this perhaps owed something to the gradual loosening of New Zealand's old ties with Britain and the consequent movement towards closer political and economic links with the United States.

109. Gilling, "Retelling the Old, Old Story," p.289. Since the sum of these figures represented less than a quarter of the 17,493 "decisions" at the Crusade, this gives a further indication of the comparative lack of effectiveness of this form of mass evangelism.

110. Ian Breward commented on this characteristic when he "reminded the annual meeting [of the NCC] in 1969 that New Zealanders tended too often to look overseas for solutions and that it was time for all the churches to look at the subject of evangelism together" (Brown, Forty Years On, p.136).

111. Pollock, Billy Graham, p.257.

112. "Janus" (a Methodist commentator on current events) referred to the "thorough and worthy" quality of this follow-up (New Zealand Methodist Times, 25 April 1959, p.697, cited in Gilling, "Retelling the Old, Old Story," p.288).

113. Pollock, Billy Graham, p.263. Since Pollock's work is the "Authorised Biography" of Billy Graham, he is sometimes biassed in his statements. Consequently, this claim needs to be critically assessed, as not all the churches were unsympathetic to the converts of the Crusades. However, the author has interviewed a number of people (now members of the "New Life Churches") who were converts of the Billy Graham Crusade, and their experience confirms Pollock's claim.

114. Hutchinson and Wilson, Let the People Rejoice, p.143. The converts came from the following age-groups: 5-11 years 966 (5.52% of the total); 12-14 years 2,892 (16.53%); 15-18 years 4,123 (23.57%); 19-29 years 4,171 (23.85%); 30-49 3,843 21.97%); and 50 years and above 1,498 (8.56%).

115. Refer Appendix A.

116. The church least affected by this process was the Baptist church. The Evangelicalism of this church enabled it to retain its young people until well into the late 1960s, by which time a different set of social factors were beginning to operate.

117. Winthrop Hudson believes that, in the American context at least, "the real key to [Billy Graham's] success...was the mounting public anxiety which reached a peak during the Korean conflict and the Redhunt of the McCarthy era" (Hudson, Religion, p.384). The launching of Sputniks 1 and 2 in October and November 1957 showed just how far ahead of the West the missile technology of the Russians was, and this, as well as the Communist advances in the Third World (as, for example, Cuba in 1959) reinforced the fear of the "Reds." The resulting "public anxiety" thus created an external constituency for the Fundamentalist/Evangelical message. This phenomenon was not confined to the United States: in New Zealand, the "New Life Churches," utilised this anxiety by making the role of Russia in Biblical Prophecy part of their "end-time" message.

118. Edward Farley and Peter C. Hodgson, "Scripture and Tradition," in Christian Theology: An Introduction to its Traditions and Tasks, ed. Peter C. Hodgson and Robert H. King (London: SPCK, 1982), p.50. Farley and Hodgson are referring to the "challenges and contributions of Modern Consciousness" which have produced critical challenges to the authority of the Bible.

119. This debate was sparked by the publication of John A.T. Robinson, Honest to God (London: SCM Press, 1963). This book achieved a wide circulation, having reached fifteen impressions by 1971. Some aspects of the debate caused by this book are summarised in David L. Edwards and John A.T. Robinson, The Honest to God Debate (London: SCM Press, 1963).

120. See David Tait, "The Geering Controversy in Political Perspective," in Perspectives on Religion: New Zealand Viewpoints 1974, ed. John C. Hinchcliff (Auckland: University of Auckland Bindery, 1975), pp.20-23, for an account of the political (as opposed to the theological) factors which lay behind the controversy. See also James Veitch, "Heresy and Freedom," in Religion in New Zealand, ed. Christopher Nichol and James Veitch (Wellington: Tertiary Christian Studies Programme of the Combined Chaplaincies and The Religious Studies Department, Victoria University, 1980), pp.138-178. Veitch appears to display a tendency to overstate his case and to act as an apologist for Lloyd Geering, rather than to examine the issues dispassionately.

121. This association of ideas was based on 1 Tim.4:1 "in the latter times some shall depart from the faith" (KJV).

122. Anderson, Vision of the Disinherited, p.5.

123. This movement towards Pentecostal groups has been a continuing one. Ray Galvin commented in 1982 that "the total membership of Pentecostal churches [stands] at about 36,000 and their weekly adult attendance above 40,000: hence, the Pentecostal worshipping community is now approaching the size of the Presbyterian and is certainly bigger than the Baptist or Methodist....It is clear that over the last fifteen years the centre of gravity of New Zealand Christianity has shifted somewhat in the direction of the Pentecostal/Fundamentalist tradition" (Ray Galvin, "Learning from the Sects," in Towards an Authentic New Zealand Theology, ed. John M. Ker and Kevin J. Sharpe (Auckland: University of Auckland Chaplaincy Publishing Trust, 1984), p.99. Emphasis Galvin).

124. For a comment on the declining functionality of healing in the specific context of Maori religion, see Pieter H. De Bres, Religion in Atene: Religious Associations and the Urban Maori (Wellington: Polynesian Society, 1971), pp.43ff. De Bres argues that "Faith-healing, which has been a prominent feature of Maori religious life [i.e. Ratana, etc.] is unlikely to retain any importance in the future" (Ibid., p.43).

125. This "counter-culture" was seen by some commentators at the time as a "youth revolt." For an example of this, see James Colquhon, "The Revolt of Youth," New Zealand Monthly Review IX (December 1968): 9-11.

126. Graeme Dunstall, "The Social Pattern," in The Oxford History of New Zealand, ed. W.H.Oliver (Wellington: Oxford University Press, 1981), p.398.

127. Robert Chapman, "From Labour to National," in Ibid., pp.365-366.

128. Ronald M. Enroth, Edward E. Ericson, Jnr., and C. Breckinridge Peters, The Jesus People: Old-Time Religion in the Age of Aquarius (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1972), pp.12-13. This is the best account of the "Jesus People," and surveys developments in the movement up to late 1971. Other accounts include Robert S. Ellwood, Jnr., One Way: The Jesus Movement and its meaning (Eaglewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1973), and Kenneth Leech, Youthquake: The growth of a counter-culture through two decades (London: Sheldon Press, 1973), especially chapter 7.

129. Enroth, et al., The Jesus People, p.12.

130. "The New Rebel Cry: Jesus is coming!" Time, 21 June 1971, pp.56-65.

131. Enroth, et al., The Jesus People, p.136ff.

132. Ibid., p.164ff.

133. Bob Thompson identifies the "Jesus People" with ``the new youth fundamentalism" (R.J. Thompson, "The New Youth Fundamentalism," in Perspectives on Religion: New Zealand Viewpoints, 1974, ed. John C. Hinchcliff (Auckland: University of Auckland Bindery, 1975), pp.85-91).

134. Enroth et al., The Jesus People, p.17.

135. Ibid., p.142.

136. Ibid., chapter 10, pp.194-206.

137. For an example of opposition among a section of the "Jesus People" to Pentecostalism, see Walter L. Knight, Jesus People come alive (Wheaton, Illinois: Tyndale House Publishers, 1971), p.35.

138. For example, Michael Hill points out, in relation to the 1976 Census, the "over-representation of younger age groups in relation to the population as a whole" in groups such as "the collectively styled Associated Pentecostal Churches" (of which the New Life Churches were a part). The peak age of the APC is in the 25-30 bracket (Michael Hill, "The Social Context of New Zealand Religion: `Straight' or `Narrow'?" in Religion and New Zealand's Future, ed. Kevin J. Sharpe (Palmerston North: Dunmore Press, 1982), p.33).

139. Bob Hall (Lecturer in Sociology, Canterbury University), Comment to author, Christchurch, November 1989.

140. Harold Turner refers to "the peculiar conditions of the student world in the later 1960s [in which] authority and tradition were being rejected in favour of the do-it-yourself, individual, spiritual search, especially for the mystical transcendant" (Harold Turner, "Otto and Everyman: Reflections on a Religious Studies Text Book," in Religious Studies in Dialogue: Essays in Honour of Albert C. Moore, ed. Maurice Andrew, Peter Matheson and Simon Rae (Dunedin: Faculty of Theology, University of Otago, 1991), p.9).

141. Rev. Ron O'Grady, Christian Century (2 April 1969), cited in Brown, Forty Years On, pp.135-136.

142. Veitch, "Heresy and Freedom," p.155: "The [Geering] debate came at a time when the Presbyterian Church, like other mainline New Zealand churches was beginning to show a clear decline in statistics. The peak of attendance in the fifties and the optimism this had engendered was over." As a result, "many felt alienated and confused, some left to join other denominations" (Ibid., p.170). The Geering debate therefore reinforced, rather than caused, the decline of the Presbyterian church in the late 1960s.

 

© Brett Knowles 2004

B. Knowles, History of the New Life Churches in New Zealand, Otago PhD.

Chapter 2. © 2003 - Brett Knowles,

An e-theses.webjournals.org article.

 


[31]

2. What gave the Pentecostal movement its appeal?

Some alternatives to the "disinheritance hypothesis"

The 1960s witnessed the rise in New Zealand of what was, in Peter Lineham's words, "one of the strongest Pentecostal movements in the West."1 This formed a constituent part of a world-wide expansion of the "classical Pentecostal" movement in the 1960s and 1970s,2 which in turn helped to prepare the way for the advent of that movement's close relation, the "charismatic renewal."3 However, this Pentecostal growth also coincided with the beginnings of a significant decline in the main-stream churches4 which appears to have been related to the rapid and far-reaching social changes of the era, when the institutions and certainties of previous years no longer seemed to have the same validity or functionality.

The decline in the main-stream churches leads to the question why, by contrast, the Pentecostal movement should have grown as it did in the 1960s and 1970s. Currie, Gilbert and Horsley have pointed out that the same socio-historical processes which bring about the creation of a new organisation simultaneously produce an "external constituency" of those who are disposed towards its message.5 In other words, the rise of a movement is paralleled by the creation, or modification, of its reservoir of support. The social and historical contexts of a movement are therefore important factors in its emergence, and must be analysed in order to understand why the movement should have arisen. As it has been argued in Chapter 1, the "disinheritance hypothesis" does not appear to be valid in the case of the post-war Pentecostal movement, and the causes of its growth must therefore be sought elsewhere. It is posited that three inter-related factors modified the traditional constituency of Pentecostalism in New Zealand and led to its expansion in the 1960s and 1970s. The emergence of a healing movement in the late 1950s formed an initial salient, the effects of which were reinforced by the expansion of the new Evangelicalism, especially as a result of the 1959 Billy Graham Crusade, and, later in the 1960s, by the youth counter-culture and its concomitant "relocation of authority."

These factors were not unique to New Zealand. They exemplified global trends, although the local effects of these were often as diverse as the different social contexts within which they functioned. Nevertheless, these factors were essentially of American origin, and consequently were most prominent in the United States. The common denominator in their dissemination, however, was the role of the media. Significant events in any part of the world were quickly reported internationally, and this global communications network greatly facilitated the expansion of the Pentecostal and Charismatic movements.6 In the remainder of this chapter, It is proposed to survey the American origins of these causative factors, to examine the ways in which these were "imported" into the New Zealand context (particularly following the Second World War), and to put forward an alternative hypothesis for the expansion of New Zealand Pentecostalism in the 1960s.

 

2.1. The Renaissance of the Healing movement

The initial factor in the post-war expansion of Pentecostalism in New Zealand and elsewhere was the renaissance of the healing movement. In the United States, a new generation of healing evangelists had begun to emerge in 1946, spearheaded by William Branham. From small beginnings, this rapidly grew into a movement which "erupted in 1947 with astounding force"7 across America. David Edwin Harrell comments that

the postwar healing revival dwarfed the successes of earlier charismatic revivalists; it had a dramatic impact on the image of American pentecostalism and set off a period of world-wide pentecostal growth. A generation grew up that would never forget the ecstatic years from 1947 to 1952, years filled with long nights of tense anticipation, a hypnotic yearning for the Holy Spirit, and stunning miracles for the believers performed by God's anointed evangelists. In the hallowed atmosphere under the big tents, it seemed most surely that all things were possible.8

However, the healing movement was not a new phenomenon, since divine healing had been advocated by several pietist groups (including the Quakers in the late seventeenth century and the Pennsylvanian German "Dunker Brethren" in the early eighteenth century), as well as by John Wesley and the early Methodists in the mid-eighteenth century. Sporadic instances of healing also occurred in a number of American revivalist groups such as the Shakers,9 the Mormons10 and the Oneida Community,11 as well as in the Adventist movement in the 1840s and, following the publication in 1875 of Mary Baker Eddy's book Science and Health with Key to the Scriptures, in the nascent Christian Science movement. These movements reflected and reinforced a preoccupation with alternative forms of medicine, and demonstrated that interest in the subject of healing was of long standing.12 Of greater importance for the later healing movement, however, was the influence of the Holiness movement. Although Holiness teaching did not directly emphasise divine healing per se, it did provide a doctrinal framework for the later healing revivalism. Paul Chappell observes that13

by propagating the doctrine of Christian perfection or the baptism of the Holy Spirit as purification from sin, the enduement [sic] with power, and the living of a consecrated life of holiness, the nineteenth-century Holiness movement provided the basic theological milieu in which the supernatural gifts of God, and in particular divine healing, would flourish....[Thus] many Holiness adherents experienced increased occurrences of miraculous physical healings as demonstrations of the new dispensation of the Spirit. The belief in and the witness to divine healing attended the Holiness movement at every turn.14

The healing movement also had European antecedents. Several of Edward Irving's followers had experienced divine healing in 1830,15 although the "Catholic Apostolic Church," established as a result of the charismatic activity in Irving's National Scottish Church in Regent Square, London, tended to emphasise the role of prophecy rather than that of healing. Of greater significance for the later healing movement was the influence of three European healers: Johann Christoph Blumhardt, Dorothea Trudel and Otto Stockmayer. Blumhardt was a German Lutheran pastor, and began a ministry of divine healing in 1843, while Dorothea Trudel and Otto Stockmayer were active in Switzerland from 1851 and 1867, respectively. The methods and teachings of these European healers (and of Stockmayer in particular), created precedents and provided models for the practice of healing in Europe, and also exercised some influence on the nascent healing movement in America.16 Nevertheless, healing remained confined to small "fringe" groups until the early 1880s, when, largely as a result of the annual "faith conventions" of Charles Cullis, "massive publicity...effectively spread interest in the doctrine [of divine healing] across the land."17 This publicity, together with a strong revivalist ethos in the 1880s, resulted in an explosive increase in the practice of divine healing throughout the decade. In particular, John Alexander Dowie, whom Harrell describes as being "the father of healing revivalism in America,"18 soon became the most prominent figure in the movement and greatly facilitated its worldwide spread.19

The healing movement in New Zealand also built upon earlier foundations. Since faith-healing was a prominent feature of traditional Maori religion,20 as well as of the various Maori religious movements which arose in response to Christianity,21 it has had a long history in New Zealand. However, despite the general interest in alternative forms of medicine, the practice seldom made an appearance among the pakeha community until the 1880s and 1890s. It did not, for example, feature in the evangelistic campaigns of William "California" Taylor in 1864,22 nor in those of Dr. Alexander Somerville in 1878 and Henry Varley in 1878-1879.23 This absence is perhaps not surprising, given the comparative insignificance of the healing movement in the United States and elsewhere until the early 1880s. Nevertheless, there were some local instances in late nineteenth century New Zealand. Peter Lineham cites the example of an extreme Brethren group in the 1870s, known as the "Feistites," who believed that the church had powers to heal the sick miraculously. This view was not, however, encouraged among other Brethren groups.24

Divine healing became more prominent in New Zealand in 1888, with a ten day convention being held in Wellington in January that year on the theme of "Holiness and Divine Healing," followed two months later by the visit of John Alexander Dowie himself.25 Although Dowie's campaign was not entirely successful since his stay was short and attendances at his meetings small, it nevertheless marked the beginnings of a divine healing movement in New Zealand. However, the "Christian Catholic Church," set up some years later on the foundations laid by Dowie's visit, was a relatively insignificant and short-lived group,26 and these beginnings were therefore modest. The real legacy of this period was an incipient public interest in divine healing upon which later healers were able to build, and which provided the basis for further resurgences of the healing movement in later years. As was the case in the United States and elsewhere, the ministry of Dowie and others in the last two decades of the nineteenth century represented the "first wave" of the divine healing movement.

As has already been noted, Holiness teaching provided a doctrinal framework for the healing movement. It also formed the matrix out of which Pentecostalism emerged,27 and much of this movement's following, and many of its beliefs,28 were derived from its Holiness antecedents. It is thus not surprising that healing has always held an important place in Pentecostal theology,29 and, in fact, played a major role in the spread of Pentecostalism. For example, a testimony of healing during the course of one of Charles Parham's campaigns in August 1903 created the opportunity for him to conduct a revivalist campaign in Galena, Kansas two months later. Here further healings took place, resulting in a Pentecostal revival, and Kansas thus became an early Pentecostal stronghold.30 Healing therefore formed a vital part of the Pentecostal movement's heritage, and continued to be an important element of its practice throughout the first two decades of the movement's existence. The development of Pentecostalism and of the healing movement tended to follow parallel courses, and as the Pentecostal movement grew, a number of the healing evangelists, such as Maria Woodworth-Etter, eventually associated themselves with it.31 This process of association was neither immediate nor automatic, but represented a gravitational attraction towards a movement with which the healers often had considerable affinity of belief. In this way, healing became largely, although not exclusively, identified as a Pentecostal phenomenon.

The ministry of many of the early healers continued throughout the first two decades of the twentieth century. By 1920, however, a second generation of healing evangelists was emerging. This included people such as Smith Wigglesworth, F.F. Bosworth, Thomas Wyatt, John G. Lake, Raymond T. Richey, Aimee Semple McPherson and Charles S. Price.32 This new generation of healing evangelists enjoyed a heyday throughout the 1920s, and continued to be active, although on a considerably lesser scale, throughout the 1930s. Some of these evangelists helped to stimulate the post-war healing movement, with Dr. Charles Price probably having the greatest influence on the healing revivalists of the postwar period.33 This "second wave" of healing revivalism in the 1920s was significant for the New Zealand Pentecostal movement, since it was as a result of this that Pentecostalism was established in this country. The person primarily responsible for this was the inimitable English evangelist, Smith Wigglesworth, whose two healing campaigns (28 May to 10 July 1922, and 26 October 1923 to 24 January 1924) were the first large-scale Pentecostal campaigns in New Zealand, and led to the formation of the Pentecostal Church of New Zealand.34 Other Pentecostal groups soon followed suit. The Assemblies of God was set up in New Zealand in 1927, and the Apostolic Church several years later in the early 1930s.

Wigglesworth's campaigns, although highly individualistic, were by no means unique. As had also been the case with John Alexander Dowie in the 1880s, his activities formed a component part of a growing revivalist movement in New Zealand.35 Douglas Ireton observes that "visiting revivalists were far more common in the 1920s than in any previous period"36 and that "the development of [this] revivalist movement in the 1920s and early 1930s marked a significant change in the religious pattern of the nation."37 This burgeoning and complex movement encompassed a broad and somewhat disparate spectrum of concerns. At one level it included non-fundamentalist revivalism, represented in the person of Lionel Fletcher, the prominent Congregationalist evangelist and pastor of the Beresford Street Congregational Church, Auckland, from 1924 to 1930;38 at another, fundamentalist revivalism, of which Joseph Kemp, the pastor of the influential Auckland Baptist Tabernacle, was the most vigorous proponent.39 Kemp's activities also had some links with the non-revivalist fundamentalism of P.B. Fraser, the Presbyterian scourge of theological liberalism.40 The revivalism of the 1920s was therefore not limited to the activity of visiting overseas evangelists, but also extended to those within New Zealand who sought to defend the faith from the inroads of "modernism."

Furthermore, Wigglesworth was only one of a number of healers in New Zealand in the 1920s and 1930s, and his campaigns represented only one particular style of healing revivalism. Consequently, although he "appealed to those disaffected with the state of the church"41 and had surprising success, his energetic, aggressive brand of Christianity did not please everybody. However, a number of other healers were able to influence a different constituency from that of Wigglesworth. The best-known of these was Tahupotiki Wiremu Ratana, who built upon the traditional Maori interest in faith-healing. Although Ratana's focus was primarily on his own Maori people, his activities from 1918 until 1925 (the year in which the Ratana church was formed) stimulated wide interest in healing throughout the country. James Moore Hickson,42 an Anglican layman with a healing ministry, also visited Australia and New Zealand in 1923-1924, his campaigns receiving the support of the Anglican bishops. These two healers reached people untouched by Wigglesworth. The result was a lasting and widespread, but not always overt, interest in divine healing. This was related to public interest in alternative medicine, and had some of the characteristics of a "folk-religion," forming a deeper level of public awareness, rekindled occasionally by specific events such as the campaigns of A.H. Dallimore from 1927 onwards.

Dallimore was perhaps the most flamboyant of the healing campaigners in the 1920s and 1930s, and his activities sometimes tended towards the idiosyncratic. Peter Lineham observes that "Dallimore's huge meetings in the Auckland Town Hall in 1931, with his bizarre healings of animals and blessing of handkerchiefs, made good newspaper copy."43 Nevertheless, negative reportage such as this still constituted free publicity for the healing movement, and helped to reinforce public awareness of healing. This awareness of, and interest in, healing, as well as the links between the healing movement and the new Pentecostalism, helped to lay the foundation for the Pentecostal movement in New Zealand,44 and although the issue of divine healing sometimes tended to be seen as "beyond the fringe" due to the activities of some of its more colourful practitioners, yet there remained a certain degree of public sympathy for the idea, if not always for the practice.

The ministry of Smith Wigglesworth and other healers in the 1920s therefore formed part of a resurgent revivalist movement in this country, and reinforced the beginnings of what Douglas Ireton has described as a "national fascination" with healing.45 Although the roots of this "fascination" go back to the nineteenth century, Ireton argues that this was reinforced by three specific factors in the 1920s. The first of these was the consciousness of mortality following the First World War and the influenza epidemic of 1918; the second was an interest in new extensions of psycho-analytic theory and aspects of "mental hygiene"; while the third was a reaction to theological "demystification" and to the move away from an emphasis on the supernatural.46 These three factors helped to foster public receptivity towards healing, and to extend the constituency of the resultant healing revivalism, and, by association, of the Pentecostal movement. This "second wave" of healing revivalism in the 1920s therefore provided the Pentecostal movement in New Zealand with a reservoir of support upon which it was able to build.

Following the Second World War, a "third wave" of healing revivalism began in the United States, and spread to many parts of the world. As was the case with the earlier healing revivalism of the 1880s and 1920s, this resurgence formed part of a larger revivalist impulse. It also had, as Harrell observes, "a dramatic impact on the image of American pentecostalism and set off a period of world-wide pentecostal growth."47 Accounts of the beginnings of this revival of healing are permeated by legend. William Branham's story of his angelic visitation on 7 May 1946,48 and Oral Roberts' testimony of his miraculous healing from tuberculosis and stuttering49 and of hearing the audible voice of God telling him "Son, I am going to heal you and you are going to take My healing power to your generation"50 are classic examples of the genre,51 and reflect something of the hunger for the miraculous which pervaded the American Pentecostal movement after the Second World War.52 This keen sense of anticipation, combined with a mood of co-operation amongst the Pentecostal churches (which may itself have been partly a consequence of Pentecostal membership in the newly-formed National Association of Evangelicals) made possible the healing revival which erupted in 1947. Harrell concludes that

the times were ripe. Pentecostalism had become affluent enough to support mass evangelism. It had become tolerant enough to overlook doctrinal differences. Convictions were still deep enough that there was a longing for revival. As the older generation thrilled to the memories of the miracle ministries of the 1920s, the young yearned for a new rain of miracles.53

While the expectation that a new healing revival would come was certainly a factor in the emergence of the post-war movement, social conditions also played a part in its expansion throughout America in the late 1940s and early 1950s. These included public anxiety, resulting from the advances of Communism and from the frightening power of the atom; the increasing upward socio-economic mobility of the population, especially in the move to the cities, together with social dislocation; a perception that the order of things was changing rapidly and that the world was no longer the same; all of these factors combined to produce a hunger for the "old-time religion" which alone could bring the reassurance for which people were searching. In this hunger for reassurance, the healing evangelists found their constituency.

The peak of the healing revival lasted from 1947 to 1952. Throughout this period, healing campaigns were being conducted across America, and in some cases, in other countries as well. The career of Oral Roberts exemplifies the progress of the movement. From small beginnings in June 1947, when he resigned his pastorate and moved to Tulsa, Oklahoma, in the heart of the "Bible Belt," to begin healing evangelism, his ministry began to expand. By November that year, he was publishing his own magazine (Healing Waters) and was being regularly heard over five radio stations. The following year, Roberts formed his own evangelistic organization, gathered a team of talented assistants, and launched out into tent campaigns in his recently-purchased 2,000-seat "tent cathedral." This tent quickly proved to be too small, and by 1953, had been expanded to a capacity of 12,500. Roberts' reported results for 1952 claim total attendances of 1,500,000 in eleven tent campaigns, 66,000 people prayed for in the "healing lines" and 38,457 conversions. By 1953, his radio programme was being broadcast over more than 300 stations. He branched out into television ministry the following year, initially broadcasting over nine stations; this network had grown to 136 stations by 1957. Oral Roberts was one of the most successful healing campaigners and his success both reflected, and helped to foster, the rapidly expanding constituency of the healing evangelists.54 But, because the healing revival was clearly identifiable as a Pentecostal phenomenon, its success represented a growing reservoir of support for Pentecostalism also, and helped to lay the foundations for the world-wide expansion of this movement in the 1960s.

In the United States, the healing revival reached its peak in 1952, and continued unabated until the mid-1950s. However, by 1956 it had begun to lose its momentum and was changing its focus to become an international movement. This change of direction built upon the extensive communications networks established by the healing evangelists through their books, magazines and mailing lists. Thus, although none of the healing revivalists came to New Zealand until the late 1950s, Pentecostal groups throughout the country were well-informed of what was happening in the United States. In particular, the "Slavic and Oriental Mission" in Wellington, a Pentecostal missionary agency founded in 1932 by Len J. Jones, and later renamed "World Outreach," ran a well-stocked bookshop known as the "Evidence Book Depot," which engaged in the importing and distributing of books and publications relating to the American healing revival and to Pentecostalism in general. The "Slavic and Oriental Mission" also published a monthly magazine called The Evidence which gave extensive publicity to the healing revival. Consequently, although the arrival of several American Pentecostal evangelists in the later 1950s was to provide the specific catalyst for the resurgence of the healing movement in New Zealand, the ideas and theology behind the movement were already well established long before their arrival.55

A forerunner of the post-war resurgence of healing in New Zealand emerged in 1955-56, when Assemblies of God evangelists Ray Bloomfield and Frank Houston began revivalist meetings among rural Maori at Waiomio, near Kawakawa in Northland.56 Although this revival was highly successful and continued until 1959 when Houston relocated to Lower Hutt, it nevertheless remained an isolated incident, and had little effect beyond one or two local areas.57 The real beginnings of the post-war healing movement in New Zealand came in late 1957, with the arrival of the American evangelist Tommy Hicks.58 Although Hicks' visit was for the purpose of conducting evangelistic healing campaigns in Christchurch and Wellington, it had the effect of inspiring others to adopt this style of healing evangelism. Rob Wheeler remarked that Hicks' campaign "was our first exposure to an evangelist, really....Ron Coady and myself got fired up on evangelism."59 Others (for example, Norman White of the Apostolic Church) were similarly inspired.

Stirred by Hicks' campaign, Rob Wheeler resigned his Tauranga pastorate, and began to organise a healing-evangelism ministry, setting up a non-profit society, the "Word of Faith Ministry," to facilitate "the propagation of the Full Gospel." The term "Full Gospel"60 (originally a description of the characteristic teachings of early Pentecostalism)61 accurately reflected Wheeler's new understanding of evangelism, denoting the full power of the Gospel as the Pentecostal movement understood it, i.e. salvation, divine healing and the Baptism of the Spirit. By the end of 1957, Wheeler had acquired a 36-foot by 18-foot ex-army tent and launched into evangelistic healing campaigns using this tent as a "mobile church," consciously modelling his method of Pentecostal evangelism on the tent crusades of Oral Roberts in the United States.62 Wheeler was one of the first in New Zealand to engage in this type of Pentecostal healing campaign, although others (for example, the White brothers, Ian Hunt, Graeme Jacks and Mike Bensley) soon followed suit, using tent-churches and local halls as venues, and campaigning, when invited, on behalf of other churches. This activity marked the beginning of the post-war resurgence of healing ministries in New Zealand.63

Despite their Pentecostalist belief in the baptism of the Spirit, the "Full Gospel" campaigners soon came to focus their emphasis on salvation and healing. Wheeler, for example, recalled preaching in his early campaigns

purely from an evangelistic point of view....I wasn't touching Water Baptism. In fact, at that time [late 1950s] I wasn't even touching the Baptism of the Spirit, because it was such a `dicey' subject. Salvation and Divine Healing were it!64

Early campaign reports in Bible Deliverance confirm Wheeler's recollections of this change of focus. Although many of these reports did include testimonies of those "baptised in the Spirit," this feature is submerged in a much larger volume of testimonies of healing. This emphasis reflects the perception of the "Full Gospel" campaigners that healing was not only part of the Gospel; it was also a "sign" of the miraculous power of God, which vindicated and authenticated the message of the evangelists as truly "coming from God."65 They therefore laid considerable stress on healing, and, although the baptism of the Spirit formed part of their message, it was a comparatively minor component until mid-1961, when it began to assume greater prominence.

Although Rob Wheeler was later to recall his second campaign (conducted among East Coast Maori) as being "an absolute landslide,"66 in actual fact comparatively little success was achieved for several years.67 By late 1959, however, the campaigns of the "Full Gospel" campaigners were beginning to be reinforced by the visits of overseas healing evangelists. The most successful of these was A.S. Worley, who arrived in New Zealand from the United States in October 1959 to conduct healing meetings, and who had spectacular success in Timaru in June and July 1960.68 An equally successful campaign was conducted by Paul Collins and Ron Coady in Gore in March the following year.69 These two healing campaigns marked the breakthrough for the "Full Gospel" in the South Island, and, together with the campaigns of Rob Wheeler and others in the North Island, stimulated the movement's expansion throughout the country. The main emphasis of these campaigns was on salvation and healing, although the baptism of the Spirit became a more prominent feature after mid-1961.70 This vigorous growth continued for the next five years, and during this period, most localities in New Zealand were the target of some form of "Full Gospel" campaign. Following these campaigns, local "Full Gospel" churches were often set up in order to consolidate the results of the campaign and to care for the converts. Many of these local, autonomous, self-governing "Full Gospel" assemblies, sometimes collectively known as the "Indigenous [Full Gospel] churches," formed the nucleus of what were later to become the "New Life Churches of New Zealand." This "Full Gospel" healing revivalism therefore laid the foundations for the "New Life Churches" and stimulated the expansion of the Pentecostal movement in the 1960s.71

The resurgence of healing in the late 1950s and early 1960s therefore represented a "third wave" of the healing movement in New Zealand. It capitalised on the tradition of alternative medicine, including divine healing, inherited from the 1880s and 1920s, and also on the interest in divine healing generated by the campaigns of Oral Roberts and others in America throughout the 1950s. The arrival of Tommy Hicks in late 1957 provided the "spark" which ignited this interest and initiated a wave of "Full Gospel" healing evangelism in New Zealand. The emphasis placed by these "Full Gospel" campaigners on healing thus enabled them to tap into a broad sub-stratum of public interest, and provided them with a reservoir of support from those already predisposed to their beliefs. Divine healing was therefore the core factor in their success, and helped to lay the foundations for the expansion of the New Zealand Pentecostal movement in the 1960s.

 

2.2. The context of the new Pentecostalism

As also had been the case in the 1920s, the resurgence of the healing movement after the Second World War sparked a parallel expansion of the Pentecostal movement. The effects of this resurgence were reinforced by the emergence of the new Evangelicalism, which, although sharing the Fundamentalist concern for the inerrancy and authority of the Scriptures, was much less militant in tone than its predecessor. The ministry of Billy Graham both exemplified and helped to disseminate this new Evangelicalism, and his crusades extended a reservoir of support which the Pentecostal movement was able to utilise. Graham's 1959 crusades made a significant impact on the style of Evangelicalism in New Zealand, and in so doing widened the Pentecostal watershed created by the healing movement. Because the Pentecostal message of the "Full Gospel" campaigners emphasised salvation as well as divine healing, this effectively provided them with a double constituency (i.e. of Evangelicalism and of divine healing). Divine healing formed the core of Pentecostal attraction, the shadow under which the nucleus of its following had gathered; the new Evangelicalism represented a wider penumbra, an expanded constituency of people disposed to the evangelical message of Pentecostalism. This laid the foundation for Pentecostal expansion in the 1960s.

 

2.2.1. The Post-War Revival: Its causes and effects

Towards the end of the Second World War, a major resurgence of religion began to occur in many parts of the world. It is not quite accurate to describe this as an "evangelical revival,"72 since it took no single form, and was not limited to any particular theological perspective or geographical area. Although this resurgence was experienced across the whole spectrum of the Church, it was nevertheless most prominent in the United States of America,73 where it was activated by the beginnings of an affluent and mobile consumer society, and by a pervasive sense of public anxiety. This sense of unease was a product of the "Cold War" between the Communist Bloc and the "Free" World, and of the process of rapid social and political change which reflected the altered realities of the post-war era. These factors enhanced the perceived desirability of "traditional" American religion, which now functioned as a patriotic bulwark against the menace of the dreaded "Reds," particularly in the McCarthy era of the 1950s, and as a source of reassurance in the face of a frightening new world.

The religious resurgence in America manifested itself in a number of different ways.74 At one level, it was reflected in new and generalised forms of American civil religion, in which religious tradition was perceived as a constituent part of the "American Way" and religious commitment linked with patriotism. This perception was most clearly exemplified in President Dwight D. Eisenhower's "classic justification for the new religious outlook. `Our government,' he said in 1954, `makes no sense unless it is founded on a deeply felt religious faith - and I don't care what it is.'"75 American religion in the Eisenhower years has been characterised as "generalized religiosity" and "self-satisfied patriotic moralism."76 This "generalised religiosity" both reinforced, and was reinforced by, other strands of the post-war religious resurgence, including theological and liturgical renewals which affected many American churches and the rise of what became known as the new Evangelicalism. The revival of American religion was therefore as much a cultural, civil and social resurgence as a purely religious one.

While the resurgence of religion was most pronounced in the United States, it was by no means confined to the American Continent. The New Zealand churches, for example, enjoyed vigorous growth in the period following the end of the Second World War, and this period of expansion continued up to the end of the 1950s. Their growth reflected the changes brought about by the

prolonged post-war economic boom....New Zealand society became more complex and much more sophisticated. Most of [these changes] were a function of size - population growth and urbanization - or products of prosperity. They were underpinned by economic development.77

In response to the challenge of the post-war boom, and to the increasing urbanization (or rather, suburbanization) of New Zealand society, most churches undertook church building and church extension programmes, and placed a conscious emphasis on evangelism. In so doing, they were utilising the unprecedented opportunities made available to them. Examples of this vigorous activity were the "New Life Movement" in the Presbyterian Church,78 which "created a mood of optimism, giving a renewed sense of mission,"79 and the Baptist "Church Extension" Programme, originally set up in 1934, which had its period of maximum effectiveness in the late 1950s, with some twenty-four Baptist churches being established in the five years from 1955 to 1960.80

The expansion of the New Zealand churches in the late 1940s and throughout the 1950s therefore formed part of a world-wide resurgence of religion. However, the causes of this growth were not always identical. In New Zealand, the emphasis was on reconstruction, rather than reassurance, and the praxis of the era stressed the extension and expansion of the churches into the new suburban areas, rather than the rehabilitation of "traditional" cultural and religious values, as was the case in the United States. However, this dissimilarity of emphasis did not necessarily imply that there was no public anxiety in this country, or that New Zealanders were isolated and insulated from developments in other parts of the world. Participation in the expanding international communications network, especially following the introduction of television in the early 1960s, and the increasing popularity of overseas travel helped to extend New Zealanders' awareness of global problems. This consciousness was paralleled by a gradual severance of ties with Britain, and a corresponding reorientation towards the United States. As a consequence of this shift of focus, American influence in New Zealand became considerable, both in the secular and religious fields. The clearest example of the way in which this changed orientation effected New Zealand religion is to be found in the Billy Graham Crusades of 1959. These marked a milestone for Evangelicalism in this country, and, as will be seen, were major factors in the creation of a "watershed" for the New Life Churches in the 1960s.

 

2.2.2. The Old Fundamentalism and the New Evangelicalism

A prominent feature of the post-war religious resurgence was the emergence of a new Evangelicalism, which, although directly descended from the Fundamentalism of the 1920s, was broader in focus, and less combative in temperament, than its predecessor.81 There appear to have been four distinct stages in the development of this new movement. In the years up to 1919, Evangelicalism essentially represented a continuation of traditional American religion. However, the end of the First World War signalled the start of a seven-year period of conflict, when many Evangelicals took up arms against what they perceived as the destructive inroads of "modernism." These conservative Evangelicals soon became known as the Fundamentalist Movement, since they emphasised the primacy and authority of the Scriptures and held to the "Fundamentals" of the Christian Faith.82 The climax of this period of conflict came with the 1925 Scopes "monkey trial," which resulted in the conviction of a young high school teacher for teaching the theory of evolution to his pupils contrary to the laws of the State of Tennessee. The trial, which "bore more resemblance to a camp meeting (or a prize fight) than to a legal process," was widely publicised, and became something of a "national joke."83 Although the Fundamentalists, in the person of William Jennings Bryan, the counsel for the prosecution, won their case in court, the victory proved to be a pyrrhic one, since the movement thereby gained a reputation for being intransigent, narrow-minded and reactionary, and the term "fundamentalist" became something of a pejorative epithet. The two decades after 1925 marked a period of withdrawal and regrouping for the Fundamentalist movement, in which its ethos became more militantly separatist and defensively sectarian. In the early 1940s, however, some sections of the movement began to move away from this separatism. This shift prepared the way for "the emergence of a self-conscious new evangelicalism out of the original fundamentalist tradition and hence the clear division of that tradition into two major movements - evangelicalism and separatist fundamentalism."84

The key distinction between the old Fundamentalism and the new Evangelicalism was one of mood and emphasis, rather one of than doctrine. Fundamentalism as a movement was characterised by an "anti-modernist" temper, a combative approach to doctrinal questions, and a refusal to recognise any critical interpretative approach which would weaken their dogmatic position, especially in relation to the inerrancy of the Scriptures. In practice, this resulted in attitudes of intolerance, contentiousness and separatism, and Fundamentalists of this type "maintained a steadfast refusal to cooperate with apostates and even sometimes with friends of apostates."85 By contrast, the new Evangelicals, while maintaining the essential core of Fundamentalist belief, were much more moderate in their application of principle. They "continued to oppose liberalism in theology but dropped militancy as a primary aspect of their identity."86 In so doing, they sought to construct a broad coalition of theologically conservative Protestants, and consequently tolerated some doctrinal differences, including those raised by Pentecostalism. Their main focus and central activity was evangelism (and especially that form of evangelism as epitomised by Billy Graham),87 and this helped to moderate their inherited Fundamentalist ethos of separation from "the world."

The New Evangelicalism took institutional form in America with the establishment of the National Association of Evangelicals (hereafter cited as NAE) in 1942. The formation of this group represented a reaction, not only to the liberalism of the Federal Council of Churches, but also to the

politically oriented and rabidly exclusivist American Council of Churches which Carl McIntire had organized during the preceding year. Though agreeing with McIntire that conservatives needed to counter the Federal Council of Churches with some corporate expression, many evangelicals wanted a less divisive and more constructive association. The NAE, therefore, replaced the moribund agencies of the old Fundamentalist movement and drew into its increasingly diversified activities a growing number of churches.88

The NAE provided a basis for inter-denominational "cooperation without compromise" among conservative Christians. It represented a "middle of the road" form of Evangelicalism, and, although still viewing theological liberalism with caution, had a more conciliatory and open approach to co-operation with non-conservative churches than its Fundamentalist forerunners.89

The new conservative orientation was exemplified and popularised by Billy Graham.90 In his Crusades, Graham

insisted that the executives of a crusade be men in full sympathy with his [evangelistic] objectives, but he welcomed all, whatever their theology, who would co-operate with his platform. Thus Graham...was [the] spearhead of a new ecumenicity, breaking down the barriers raised by a generation or more of theological bitterness.91

As a result of his policy of inclusion, Graham often encountered opposition from his former associates in the Fundamentalist movement who considered him "guilty of associating with men of false beliefs on the Bible, the Atonement, and other `fundamentals of the faith.'"92 Yet Graham did not wholly dissociate himself from his Fundamentalist past, since he continued to place major emphasis on "the Bible says...." Nevertheless, he made a clear differentiation between the new Evangelicals and the Fundamentalists. He was to claim (in reply to a question as to whether or not he was a Fundamentalist) that

if by fundamentalist you mean `narrow', `bigoted', `prejudiced', `extremist', `emotional', `snake-handler', `without social conscience', - then I am definitely not a fundamentalist. However, if by fundamentalist you mean a person who accepts the authority of the Scriptures, the virgin birth of Christ, the atoning death of Christ, His bodily resurrection, His second coming and personal salvation by faith through grace, then I am a fundamentalist. However, I much prefer being called a `Christian.'93

Graham's crusades did much to give the new Evangelicals a sense of identity which did not depend upon the separatist ethos inherited from their Fundamentalist forerunners. Thus, "by 1956...Graham had become a rallying point for the National Association of Evangelicals, and he was doing much to alleviate the identity crisis of conservative evangelicalism."94 Both in terms of a "break-out" from the mind-set of separatist Fundamentalism, and of the growing general awareness of its message, the public shape of the new Evangelicalism owed much to the Billy Graham Crusades. However, this was not the only significant factor which stimulated the growing self-identity of the movement. The creation of a number of evangelical para-church agencies, such as Youth for Christ, Navigators, Campus Crusade for Christ and other similar organizations for evangelism, also helped to promote an informal ecumenism in which evangelical believers could relate with one another across ecclesiastical boundaries on the basis of a common faith and task, rather than on the basis of denominational categories. This further reinforced the Evangelical movement's growing sense of identity.

Thus, although the new Evangelicalism was essentially a self-sufficient American subculture, its influence was not confined to the United States of America. The extensive publicity given to many of its proponents (and, in particular, to Billy Graham)95 contributed greatly to the geographical and ecclesiastical expansion of the movement. The power of the media was recognised and utilised to the full. However, this use involved more than an acceptance of fortuitous publicity. Rather, Evangelical exploitation of the media in the service of the Gospel was a quite deliberate policy forming part of a strategy of evangelism.96 This was not a new phenomenon, since it had been a feature of revivalist campaigns of the late nineteenth century, when "ample press coverage was sought and usually secured" for the revivalists' activities.97 The practice set the pattern for later professional evangelism, and the publicity given to Billy Graham's activities helped to lay the foundation for his visit to New Zealand in 1959.

 

2.2.3. The 1959 Billy Graham Crusade and its significance for the Pentecostal expansion of the 1960s

The 1959 Billy Graham Crusade was, on the face of it, highly successful. Graham himself was to claim that he had "preached to more people in six days in New Zealand than in any other week of my ministry,"98 and the Crusade was hailed by some of its supporters as "the time when New Zealand has been closest to a general spiritual revival."99 The official statistics give some indication of the impact of the Crusade, at least in the short term, on the religious consciousness of the country. These show that an estimated 574,300 people attended during the twelve days of the Crusade, 185,000 of them at the "land-line" meetings in other centres, and that 17,493 "decisions for Christ" had been recorded.100 However, these impressive statistics do not necessarily tell the whole story, since, as Bryan Gilling points out, the attendance figures make no allowance for people who may have attended more than once.101 Furthermore, the "decisions" did not always represent conversions to Christianity. Of these, 6,606 (or 37.76% of the total) were for "re-affirmation of faith," "assurance of salvation" or "restoration," rather than an "acceptance of Christ" for the first time.102 The number of "decisions" falling into these three categories (which presuppose some degree of previous Christian involvement), indicate that a sizable proportion, at least, of the attendance at the Crusade comprised those already within the ambit of the churches. The evidence suggests that "mass evangelists have little real effect on people who are not already within the churches' orbit;...in fact, the evangelists are moving `in the company of the converted,' or at least the sympathetic."103 It therefore appears that the Crusade failed to evoke a significant response from the unchurched majority of the New Zealand public. The ambivalence of these results is noted by Colin Brown, who comments that Billy Graham's visit

fortified the supporters of such evangelism in their belief in its effectiveness, failed to convert their critics and, in the absence of precise information, had an effect on church life not easily determined. Success, real or imagined, led some to urge a return visit.104

However, the Crusade did have some long-term effects on New Zealand Christianity, and these, as will be argued, were significant for the expansion of New Zealand Pentecostalism in the 1960s.

In effect, the 1959 Billy Graham Crusade marked the apogee of a decade and a half of vigorous church life. Since the end of the Second World War, most churches had multiplied and expanded, and almost all sections of mainstream New Zealand Christianity exhibited a more self-confident, energetic and authoritarian ethos than is the case today. This ethos reflected the expansionist mood of the wider society, and demonstrated the strength of the traditional institutions of the period. A commitment to evangelism formed a significant part of this growth, and constituted a key element in programmes such as the Presbyterian "New Life Movement"105 within the churches, and, as was the case in America, contributed to the creation of new para-church agencies for evangelism.106 However, despite this commitment, there was no consensus within the main-stream churches as to what actually constituted the practice of evangelism. There appeared to be three broad approaches to the issue. Some groups (the Salvation Army and the Baptists, in particular) "retained a faith in large, evangelistic meetings in which a high-powered preacher, backed by suitable music and other aids, pressed for personal decisions." Others stressed the "social witness" of Christianity, while a third group

laid stress on the processes of nurture and education rather than the setting-up of occasions for individual conversions. All of these views were held in the churches and some of their members admitted to none exclusively. The presence and persistence of such differences of opinion helps to explain why, throughout the history of the NCC, there have been such endless discussions about the strategy of evangelism.107

However, despite this lack of unanimity in definition and method, evangelism remained an integral part of New Zealand church life throughout the 1950s, and contributed to the continuing growth of the churches throughout the decade.

The Billy Graham Crusade both complemented, and at the same time modified, this evangelistic praxis, and had some long-term effects on New Zealand Christianity, the most significant of which was the importation of a largely self-sufficient American Evangelical sub-culture.108 Its arrival did not necessarily imply that New Zealand Evangelicalism was in a state of decline. On the contrary, several New Zealand churches (the Baptists, the Brethren and the Salvation Army, for example) were zealously Evangelical, and there was also an informal "network" of Evangelical organisations, including the Pounawea and Ngaruawahia Keswick camps, para-church agencies such as Scripture Union and Open Air Campaigners, and various missionary associations. Consequently this American style of Evangelicalism was welcomed in some sections of the New Zealand Church, and its innate dynamism helped to modify and to reorient New Zealand Evangelicalism towards a less institutional, more extrovert, style. This contributed towards a shift in the constituency of New Zealand Pentecostalism, and, in so doing, provided the conditions for its expansion in the 1960s.

The beginnings of this gradual shift in the orientation of New Zealand Evangelicalism were not, at first, readily apparent. Many of the main-stream churches had benefitted greatly from the Billy Graham Crusade, and Bryan Gilling observes that

the major denominations did best in terms of referrals of enquirers [from the Crusade]. The Church of England gained 1836, the Presbyterians 1114, Methodists 749, the Baptists 275, Brethren 97 and Salvation Army 96, with other groups acquiring even fewer.109

Nevertheless, it is evident that the momentum of the Crusade was not continued. There were several reasons for this. Firstly, although the invitation to Billy Graham had been issued in the name of the National Council of Churches, acting on behalf of its member churches, not all of these were in full agreement with his theology or methods. Secondly, Graham represented an imported style of evangelism, rather than an indigenous one, and the tendency of New Zealand churches to rely on overseas models and resources meant that the challenge of continuing evangelism was not pursued with the same vigour following his departure.110

Furthermore, the emphasis placed on the Crusade reinforced a propensity to regard it as a terminus ad quem, an ultimate "end" in itself, rather than as part of an ongoing programme of evangelism. John Pollock, Billy Graham's biographer, laments that "much was lost because many individual churches failed to learn in time that a Crusade should not be a single burst of activity but part of a continuing programme of evangelism."111 There was therefore a "vacuum of expectation" following the Crusade, although a number of churches and para-church groups continued to pursue similar styles of evangelism in the 1960s. These groups were able to conserve some of the momentum of the Crusade (to some extent at the expense of the more liberal churches), and to exploit the massive media coverage which had surrounded it. This publicity had resulted in an increased public awareness of the Evangelicals, thus facilitating the diffusion of their message, and helped to produce the beginnings of a gradual movement of the centre of gravity of New Zealand religion in the direction of Evangelicalism.

A related factor which helped to reinforce the beginnings of this shift was an apparent variation in the quality of the follow-up given to the converts of the Crusade. Although many of the churches were conscientious in their follow-up of these converts,112 there was also some evidence of a lack of pastoral care of some converts by those churches to which they had been referred. Pollock, for example, relates several such instances of neglect from the New Zealand Crusade, and concludes that "on the basis of evidence from crusades all over the world, many of those [converts] lost to sight because of the unsympathetic attitude of a church found a spiritual home elsewhere, even if after a temporary lapse."113 Whether justified or not, this perception of pastoral neglect appears to have produced a drift of some of the converts of the Crusade towards the Evangelical churches, thus reinforcing the shift towards Evangelicalism.

Pentecostal groups (particularly the "Full Gospel" evangelists, and the "Indigenous [Full Gospel] Churches" which were formed as a result of their healing campaigns) were also beneficiaries of this drift towards Evangelicalism. The informal ecumenism of the Billy Graham Crusade reinforced a sense of Evangelical identity based upon an individual's personal "decision for Christ" rather than upon denominational affiliation. This reflected the tendency for individual Evangelicals to define themselves as "Christian," rather than in denominational categories, and facilitated movement across denominational boundaries, thus making a transfer to a sympathetic church or para-church group less difficult for the converts of the Crusade. Since the Pentecostal movement generally prided itself on its "non-denominationalism," this "trans-denominational" (or, more correctly, "non-denominational") Evangelical identity did much to expand its reservoir of support in the 1960s.

Two further factors are significant. The first of these is the large representation of young people among the converts of the Billy Graham Crusade. The official statistics show that 7,981 (or 45.62%) of the 17,493 converts were aged between five to eighteen years.114 This high proportion of young people assumes some significance in the light of church statistics for the 1960s,115 since these show that all mainstream churches had begun to lose their younger members several years before the overall membership figures began to decline.116 This was particularly noticeable in the case of the Presbyterian Church, with both Sunday School and Bible Class attendances showing marked declines from 1962 on. It is not claimed that there is a direct and necessary connection between the high proportion of young people converted at the Billy Graham Crusade and their loss to the churches several years later. There does, however, appear to be a change in the nature of church adherence in so far as younger people were concerned, which was reflected in a move away from an institutional loyalty to a less formal style of "belonging." This change was, to some extent, a reflection of the increasing individualism of most forms of social life in the 1960s. Since the core emphasis of the Billy Graham Crusade (and also of Evangelicalism in general) was that of a person's own faith-relationship with Jesus as Saviour and Lord, this individualistic form of religiosity fitted well with the unstructured and idealistic ethos of the 1960s. This may explain why young people, in particular, should have gravitated towards the less institutional Evangelical churches as well as towards Pentecostalism.

The most important legacy of the Billy Graham Crusade was its emphasis on "the Bible says...." This provided a source of authority, and hence, of reassurance, in an age tense with anxiety over the threat of nuclear holocaust, the advances of Communism117 and the erosion of many of the old value-standards of family and community life. While this invocation of the authority of the Bible can be characterised as a revolt against modernity (at a time when, as Edward Farley and Peter Hodgson put it, "the house of authority has collapsed, despite the fact that many people still try to live in it"),118 it was vindicated, at least in the eyes of conservative Christians, by the "Honest to God" debate from 1963 on119 and, in New Zealand, by the Geering heresy trial in 1967.120 In the eyes of conservative Christians, such "departures from the faith" tended to reinforce their view that these were the "last days"121 and that a return to traditional, authoritative, Biblical forms of Christianity was necessary.

The decay of institutional forms of secular authority throughout the 1960s, such as that produced by widespread political protest against the Vietnam War, and, in the social sphere, by the loosening of traditional codes of sexual morality, reinforced this yearning for authoritative answers. The fundamentalist appeal to "the Bible says" enabled the Evangelicals to tap into a mood of public anxiety, and so to provide this reassurance. The Pentecostal churches also benefitted, since, as Robert Mapes Anderson observes, "the Pentecostals have always prided themselves on their commitment to what they believe to be the Fundamentals of historic Christianity."122 At least part of the reason for the success of the "New Life Churches" (along with other Pentecostal groups) in the 1960s lay in their evangelical ethos and their fundamentalist stress on "the Bible says." The early impetus towards the "New Life Churches" and other Pentecostal groups therefore represented not so much a movement in the direction of Pentecostalism (or later, towards the emerging Charismatic movement), but rather part of an attraction towards the assurance provided by an Evangelical/Fundamentalist faith,123 and towards a restoration of traditional values.

To summarise: the Billy Graham Crusade had a significant effect on the development of New Zealand religion in the 1960s. In particular, the emphasis on "the Bible says" provided a potent source of reassurance, particularly during the tense early years of the 1960s. As well as this, the Americanised style of Evangelicalism represented by the Billy Graham Crusade fitted well with the individualistic ethos of the era, and helped to enlarge the reservoir of support for Pentecostalism. In so doing, it extended the effects of the healing movement, which had formed the initial salient for Pentecostal expansion in the late 1950s and early 1960s, and enabled the Pentecostal movement, especially the forerunners of the "New Life Churches," to capitalise on the beginnings of a movement towards Evangelicalism. Although comparatively small in its early stages, this Pentecostal expansion laid the foundation for the rapid growth of the movement in the later 1960s and early 1970s. However, this later expansion was due to a different set of social factors, namely the "youth counter-culture" and the concomitant "relocation of authority." It is to these that we now turn.

 

2.3. The Youth Counter-Culture and the Relocation of Authority

Two inter-acting and complementary factors led to the expansion of the New Zealand Pentecostal movement in the early 1960s. Those attracted to the movement by its practice of healing formed an initial core of support, which was enlarged and augmented by the Evangelicalism and Fundamentalism of the 1959 Billy Graham Crusade. These were only initial catalysts, however, and their effectiveness was most evident during the earlier years of the 1960s. They became less functional as the decade progressed, both in terms of the wider New Zealand context,124 and also of the praxis of the Pentecostal churches themselves. By 1965, the emphasis of the Indigenous Churches (i.e. the forerunners of the New Life Churches) had changed from purely evangelistic and healing endeavour, as, for example, in Rob Wheeler's tent campaigns, to more of a "church-planting" approach. However, evangelism and healing continued to play important, if somewhat less emphasised, roles, and still form a part of the teaching and practice of the New Life Churches as well as of other Pentecostal and Charismatic groups.

The Evangelical/Fundamentalist constituency of the Pentecostal groups was reinforced, yet also subtly changed, by an emerging "Youth Counter-Culture" in the late 1960s.125 The ethos of this counter-culture was anti-materialistic: "during the late 1960s, a range of youthful voices articulated the problems of the spirit in a materialistic culture."126 This anti-materialism was manifest in groups as diverse as the Hippie movement, the Values Party, the Hare Krishnas and the Jesus People, all emphasising the primacy of "spiritual" values as opposed to a materialistic ethos, and in the various protest movements which asserted the importance of individual people and of the views that they held, in opposition to any collective form of authority. Thus, "the underlying changes in the golden 1960s were social rather than political..., individual rather than public. If they took a mass form, they did so as protest movements confronting, or, at the most, working alongside party structures."127

Although these social and individual changes were world-wide in scope, their counter-cultural nature was most clearly seen in the context of the United States, where they were linked to protests over the American role in the Vietnam war. While similar protests also occurred in New Zealand, the American phenomenon was more "organized," more publicized, and was a more clearly identifiable counter-culture than was the case in New Zealand. The "Jesus People" formed a Christian wing of this protest movement, both in America and elsewhere.

The "Jesus People" movement appears to have begun in California in late 1966.128 It had no single source, although its emergence appears to owe much to "a movement of the Spirit that arose from within the Haight-Ashbury district of San Francisco during the golden days when it was the mecca of the counter-culture."129 The movement was varied, both in origins and in emphases, and its adherents covered a wide social spectrum which ranged from the "Jesus Freaks" who had come into the movement directly from the "drug scene" to the "straights" who had their origins in mainstream middle-class America. The "Jesus Movement" grew rapidly, and by June 1971, had been featured on the cover of Time magazine.130 Despite the diversity of their backgrounds, the "Jesus People" shared a disillusionment with institutional Christianity,131 an emphasis on the primacy of experience,132 and a fundamentalistic approach to the Bible.133 They were not, however, necessarily anti-establishment, since they did not seek to oppose or change society, so much as to ignore it.134 Nor were they always charismatic.135 Although many of the "Jesus People" were participants in the Charismatic movement,136 others avoided being identified with it.137 Nevertheless, the "Jesus People," and the youth counter-culture of which they formed a part, helped to reinforce a movement towards the Charismatic and Pentecostal churches, especially in America. In some extent, this was also the case in New Zealand.138

Although too much weight should not be placed on the role of the youth counter-culture in New Zealand during the 1960s,139 the movement was important because of the social perceptions that it exemplified. It was not a monolithic single-issue movement, but articulated a mood which went much wider than the youth counter-culture itself. Although this mood was manifested in different ways and led to different emphases, there were, nevertheless, several common denominators. The various strands of the youth counter-culture can be summarised under three headings. The first of these was that of anti-materialism, and a corresponding emphasis on "values" and things of the "spirit." A second, related, common denominator was a resistance to collectively-imposed forms of authority. This involved a rejection of traditional "institutional" standards of conduct, with the location of authority being both personalised and internalised: "do your own thing!" and "if it feels good, do it!" Thirdly, this dependence on internal forms of authority was based on personal awareness and experience, either as an individual, or as part of a group. This was most evident in the drug culture and in the use of mind-altering drugs, such as LSD, to expand one's level of personal awareness and experience. The culture, the group, and the personal experience itself thus became the internalised authorities: "drop out, tune in, turn on!"

These three factors (spiritual "values", internalised forms of authority, and stress on personalised experience)140 combined to complement the role of Evangelicalism and Fundamentalism in stimulating the growth of the Pentecostal Churches in the late 1960s. By now, classical Evangelicalism and Fundamentalism appeared to be losing their appeal, and this was demonstrated in Billy Graham's second visit in 1969. Although this campaign was, according to Ron O'Grady, a "repeat performance" of the 1959 visit, "something was different. In ten years the climate had changed."141 The numerical response to Billy Graham's message was only about half that of ten years previously. However, although the late 1960s appear less receptive to the simple Fundamentalism of ten years previously, this continued to be functional where it was adapted and reinforced by the personalised ethos of the youth counter-culture. In the climate of the late 1960s, the individual's experience of spiritual reality was the critical determinant. "The Bible says" was now "the Bible says to me." Although external "authorities" (for example, Billy Graham) continued to be valued, they were subordinated to the new criteria of internalised and personalised "spiritual experience."

The Pentecostal churches, because they emphasised the experience of the Spirit, and tended to both internalise and personalise the fundamentalist authority of "the Bible says," continued to grow throughout the 1960s. The stress on a personal experience of the Spirit, rather than on material, visible institutions of authority, aligned these churches with the ethos of the era. The mainstream churches, because more institutional, were unable to respond in the same way. Crises in the mainstream churches, such as the Geering heresy trial, tended to reinforce an increasing institutional dysfunctionality,142 and further accentuated the appeal of the Pentecostal and Charismatic groups.

 

2.4. Summary and Conclusion

The growth of the Pentecostal churches (and of the Indigenous Churches in particular) in the early 1960s was stimulated by their practice of healing, which enabled them to tap into a sub-strata of public belief in alternative forms of medicine. This core of appeal was widened and reinforced by the movement's Evangelical/Fundamentalist approach to the Bible, which functioned as a source of assurance. This approach enabled them to capitalise on the results of the Billy Graham Crusade and to utilise an enlarged Evangelical/Fundamentalist reservoir of support, thus providing the basis for later growth in the 1960s. The effects of these two factors were confined largely to the early years of the 1960s, but were reinforced later in the decade by the emerging youth counter-culture with its emphasis on "spiritual values," together with its individualization and personalization of authority, based upon one's own personal experience. The Pentecostal stress on charismatic experience therefore fitted neatly into the ethos of the 1960s. In addition, the Pentecostal churches, because they were not as institutional as the mainstream churches, were better able to respond to the changing character of the era, and thus to continue their growth at a time when other churches were beginning to decline.

 


Notes

1. Peter J. Lineham, "When the Roll is Called Up Yonder, Who'll be There?" in "Rescue the Perishing": Comparative Perspectives in Evangelicalism and Revivalism, Waikato Studies in Religion, vol.1, ed. Douglas Pratt (Auckland: College Communications, 1989), p.16.

2. i.e. that section of the Pentecostal movement which lies outside the larger Christian denominations.

3. i.e. that section of the Pentecostal movement which lies within the mainstream churches. The two wings of the movement are sometimes collectively entitled Pentecostalism or Neo-Pentecostalism (as, for example, by Colin Brown, "How Significant is the Charismatic Movement?" in Religion in New Zealand Society, 2nd ed., edited by Brian Colless and Peter Donovan (Palmerston North: Dunmore Press, 1985), pp.99-118).

4. The extent of this decline is demonstrated by church statistics for the period. These are summarised in Appendix A.

5. Currie et al., Churches and Churchgoers, pp.67-68.

6. An example of this was the account of Dennis Bennett, the Rector of St. Mark's Episcopal Church in Van Nuys, California, who, on 3 April 1960, informed his congregation that he had been "baptised in the Spirit." This was reported in Time magazine (15 August 1960, p.55), and created a world-wide sensation. Although Bennett was asked to resign by his vestry, this incident was effectively the beginning of the Charismatic renewal in America (Nichol, The Pentecostals, p.240).

7. David Edwin Harrell, Jnr., All Things are Possible: The Healing and Charismatic Revivals in Modern America (Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1975), p.20. Harrell's book is a sympathetic, yet objective and thorough, coverage of the origins and major figures of the American post-war healing revival.

8. Ibid., pp.20-21.

9. William M. Kephart, Extraordinary Groups: the Sociology of Unconventional Life-Styles (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1976), p.166.

10. Sydney E. Ahlstrom, A Religious History of the American People (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973), p.505.

11. The Oneida Community was a perfectionist, utopian sect, founded in the early 1840s by John Humphrey Noyes, and moving to Oneida in 1848. They held property and "affections" in common, and their practice of "complex marriage" (i.e. the sharing of wives and husbands, within the confines of the community of participating members) earned them considerable notoriety. They also practised faith-healing (John McKelvie Whitworth, God's Blueprints: A Sociological Study of Three Utopian Sects (Boston: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975), pp.113-115).

12. The extent and diversity of this interest in healing is demonstrated by the wide spectrum of groups referred to in the various articles in W.J. Sheils, ed., The Church and Healing: Papers read at the twentieth summer meeting and the twenty-first winter meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society (Oxford: Basil Blackwell for the Ecclesiastical History Society, 1982).

13. P.G.Chappell, "Healing Movements," in Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, ed. Stanley M. Burgess, Gary B. McGee, and Patrick H. Alexander (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 1988), pp.353-374. Chappell's article gives a good summary of the historical development of the healing movements, although his focus (as is that of the Dictionary as a whole) is restricted to the American context.

14. Ibid., p.357.

15. For an account of these healings, see Andrew Landale Drummond, Edward Irving and his circle; including some consideration of the `Tongues' Movement in the light of modern psychology (London: James Clarke and Co., [1934]), pp.140-141, 152; also C. Gordon Strachan, The Pentecostal Theology of Edward Irving (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1973), pp.66ff; and Worsfold, History, p.34.

16. The significance of these three healers for the later healing movement is discussed in Chappell, "Healing Movements," in Burgess et al., Dictionary, pp.355-356.

17. Ibid., p.359.

18. Harrell, All Things are Possible, p.13.

19. Chappell, "Healing Movements," in Burgess et al., Dictionary, pp.366-367; also see E.L.Blumhofer, "Dowie, John Alexander," in Ibid., pp.248-249.

20. For examples of this, see Edward Shortland, Maori Religion and Mythology (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1882), pp.31-32, and Elsdon Best, Maori Religion and Mythology: Being an Account of the Cosmogony, Anthropogony, Religious Beliefs and Rites, Magic and Folk Lore of the Maori Folk of New Zealand, Dominion Museum Bulletin No.10, Section 1 (Wellington: Government Printer, 1924), pp.233ff.

21. See Bronwyn Elsmore, Like Them That Dream: The Maori and the Old Testament (Tauranga: Tauranga Moana Press, 1985), passim. Elsmore deals with the topic in greater detail in idem, Mana from Heaven: A Century of Maori Prophets in New Zealand (Tauranga: Moana Press, 1989), and in particular with the various Maori healing movements in the 1850s, which she calls "the decade of the healers" (chapters 14-23; pp.95-159).

22. Taylor does not mention the subject in the account of his New Zealand campaigns in his grandiosely entitled autobiography (William Taylor, Story of My Life: An Account of what I have thought and said and done in my ministry of more than fifty-three years in Christian Lands and among the Heathen. Written by Myself, ed. John Clark Ridpath (New York: Eaton and Mains, 1895), pp.315-317).

23. Newspaper reports of their Dunedin campaigns fail to mention the subject (see Otago Daily Times, May 1878, and October 1878 to March 1879, for accounts of the Somerville and Varley campaigns, respectively).

24. Peter J. Lineham, There we found Brethren: A History of Assemblies of Brethren in New Zealand (Palmerston North: G.P.H. Society, 1977), p.43. Lineham gives a summary of the development of the belief in divine healing in New Zealand in his article "Tongues must cease": 11-12.

25. Worsfold, History, pp.85-86.

26. Ibid., pp.86-88.

27. Chappell sees many areas of congruence between the Holiness, healing, and Pentecostal movements (Chappell, "Healing Movements," in Burgess et al., Dictionary, passim).

28. For example, their characteristic emphasis on the Baptism of the Spirit differed from that held by the Holiness movement only in respect of the Pentecostal insistence on glossolalia as the initial evidence of the "infilling of the Spirit."

29. Nichol, The Pentecostals, pp.15-16: "From the very beginning of the Pentecostal movement...the doctrine of divine healing has remained as one of its cardinal truths - an important facet of its `full gospel' message. Healing has been preached and practised because Pentecostals believe that deliverance from physical sickness is provided for in the atonement and is the privilege of all believers."

30. Ibid., pp.30ff. and 63ff. A much fuller account of Parham's evangelistic activity (and of the role of healing within it), is to be found in James R. Goff, Jnr., Fields White Unto Harvest: Charles F. Parham and the Missionary Origins of Pentecostalism (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1988).

31. Edith L. Blumhofer comments that although Mrs. Woodworth-Etter "did not identify with the Pentecostal movement until 1912...[she] ministered widely under Pentecostal auspices until her death in 1924" (Edith L. Blumhofer, The Assemblies of God: A Chapter in the Story of American Pentecostalism, 2 vols. (Springfield, Missouri: Gospel Publishing House, 1989), 1:35).

32. Harrell, All Things are Possible, p.17. The careers of these healing evangelists (as well as the earlier ministries of John Alexander Dowie and Maria Woodworth-Etter) are set out in chapter 2 of this book.

33. For an example of the influence of Dr. Price, see Demos Shakarian and John and Elizabeth Sherrill, The Happiest People on Earth (Old Tappan, New Jersey: Spire Books, 1975), pp.74-75 and 81-83. Shakarian attributes at least part of the inspiration for the formation of the Full Gospel Business Mens' Fellowship International (a key group in the emergence and spread of the Charismatic Renewal) to Dr. Price.

34. In the 1950s, partly as a result of the schism in 1946 over the issue of "the Name" which led to the secession of the initial component of what was later to become the "New Life Churches," the Pentecostal Church of New Zealand formed links with the Elim Churches in Great Britain, and since this time, has been known by the name of "The Elim Church of New Zealand" (Worsfold, History, p.191).

35. The best survey of this aspect of the 1920s Revivalist movement is Douglas Ireton, "A time to heal: the appeal of Smith Wigglesworth in New Zealand 1922-1924" (B.A. (Honours) Dissertation in History, Massey University, 1984).

36. Idem, "`O Lord, How Long?': A Revival Movement in New Zealand 1920-1933" (M.A. (Honours) Thesis in History, Massey University, 1986), p.5. This thesis is an extensive survey of the revivalist and fundamentalist movement in New Zealand in the 1920s and early 1930s, concentrating on the roles of the Auckland Evangelicals, such as Joseph W. Kemp, Lionel B. Fletcher et al.

37. Ibid., p.2.

38. See Fletcher's autobiographical work Mighty Moments, for a sample of his sermons and evangelistic methodology (Lionel B. Fletcher, Mighty Moments (London: Religious Tract Society, 1931)).

39. For an excellent account of the fundamentalist movement in New Zealand, focused on the activities of Joseph W. Kemp, see Jane M.R. Simpson, "Joseph W. Kemp and the impact of American Fundamentalism in New Zealand" (B.A. (Honours) Dissertation in History, University of Waikato, 1986).

40. See Allan K. Davidson, "A Protesting Presbyterian: the Reverend P.B. Fraser and New Zealand Presbyterianism 1892-1940," Journal of Religious History 14 (December 1986): 193-217.

41. Ireton, "A time to heal," p.21.

42. For a critical account of Hickson's healing ministry, and of the controversy which surrounded it in England, see Stuart Mews, "The revival of spiritual healing in the Church of England 1920-26," in Sheils, The Church and Healing, pp.299-331.

43. Lineham, "Tongues must cease": 13.

44. Ibid.: 11-13, and Thompson, "Sects in New Zealand," p.89, both argue that the role of healing was a crucial one in the development and spread of the New Zealand Pentecostal movement.

45. Ireton, "A time to heal," pp.25-29.

46. Ibid.

47. Harrell, All Things are Possible, p.21.

48. See Ibid., pp.27-28, for an account of this.

49. Ibid., p.42.

50. This commission formed the raison d'être of Roberts' ministry (Oral Roberts, How God Speaks to Me (Tulsa, Oklahoma: Oral Roberts, 1964), pp.8-9, cited in David Edwin Harrell, Jnr., Oral Roberts: An American Life (Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1985), p.5).

51. Many of the healing revivalists made similar claims. For example, T.L.Osborn (one of the leading healing evangelists) claimed a divine visitation at the commencement of his ministry (T.L.Osborn, Healing the Sick, 12th ed. (Tulsa, Oklahoma: T.L.Osborn Evangelistic Association, 1959), chapter 42, "When God Spoke to Me," pp.204-210). It is significant that Gordon Lindsay, the consolidator and co-ordinator of the healing revival (Harrell, All Things are Possible, pp.53-58) should publish a book of character sketches of twenty-two of the major figures in the revival under the title Men who heard from Heaven. The title reflected the healing evangelists' claims to divine legitimation for their ministry. Despite this somewhat "sexist" title, the book did, however, profile one woman evangelist, Louise Nankivell (Harrell, All Things are Possible, p.83).

52. Harrell, All Things are Possible, pp.18ff.

53. Ibid., p.20.

54. While a brief résumé of Oral Roberts' career is to be found in Ibid., pp.41-52, the major critical biography is Harrell, Oral Roberts: An American Life.

55. Two particularly important figures in the transmission of the ideas and theology of the healing revival to New Zealand were Oral Roberts and T.L. Osborn. Oral Roberts' effectiveness as an evangelist was multiplied by his numerous publications, which found a wide acceptance and helped to spread the message of the healing movement beyond the boundaries of its traditional (i.e. Pentecostal) constituency. T.L. Osborn was less well known in America than Roberts, since he focused his efforts on missionary campaigns outside the United States (see Harrell, All Things are Possible, pp.63-66 and 169-172 for a brief synopsis of his ministry). Osborn's major emphasis was that of "providing the tools" to native Christians in overseas countries to enable them to undertake the task of evangelism. A major feature of his "Harvest plan" (T.L. Osborn, Impact (Tulsa, Oklahoma: T.L. Osborn Evangelistic Association, 1963) pp.91-93; also Harrell, All Things are Possible, p.169) was the production of tonnes of free literature for distribution in foreign countries. This literature consisted exclusively of Osborn's own sermons and books, translated into the languages of the various mission fields. The effect of this massive literary productivity was to spread the message of the healing revival, of which Osborn's writings provide a typical example, world-wide. Another Osborn policy was to provide free gift sets of his writings to every student of every English-speaking Pentecostal Bible School in the world. This policy was aimed at spreading an awareness of the need of the mission fields, and of Osborn's concept of the role of healing and miracles in facilitating the fulfilment of the "Great Commission." In this respect, his policy was highly successful, although his American ideas did not always translate easily across cultural boundaries. The result tended to be a transplanted form of American Pentecostalism.

56. An account of this is given in Hazel Houston, Being Frank: The Frank Houston Story (London: Marshall Pickering, 1989). This book is a biography of Frank Houston, her husband, who was pastor of the Lower Hutt Assembly of God from 1959 to 1977, and General Superintendent of the Assemblies of God in New Zealand from 1966 on.

57. Hazel Houston comments that "most other Assemblies of God churches in New Zealand at that time were small and hardly recognizable as Pentecostal. The Queen Street Assembly in Auckland was the exception. By Ray [Bloomfield's] standards even that was conservative" (Ibid., p.100).

58. Hicks was widely known for a spectacularly successful campaign in Argentina in 1954, where "the attendance never dropped below 60,000 a night, and on at least one night was reported by the Buenos Aires newspapers to have passed 200,000" ("But what about Tommy Hicks?" Christian Century LXXI (7 July 1954), 814, cited in Nichol, The Pentecostals, p.224).

59. Wheeler, Interview.

60. Bible Deliverance, April 1959. p.2. Bible Deliverance was the magazine of Wheeler's "Word of Faith Ministry," and as such, is a valuable source for the development of the healing movement in the early 1960s, and of the churches which resulted from these healing campaigns.

61. Nichol, The Pentecostals, pp.7-8.

62. Wheeler later commented that he regarded Oral Roberts as "my hero" (Wheeler, Interview).

63. The visit of British faith-healer Dr. Christopher Woodard in 1958 created vigorous public debate on the subject of healing (for an example of this, see the "Letters to the Editor" column in the Otago Daily Times from 18 June to 14 July 1958). Woodard was an Harley Street physician and author of several books on healing (Christopher Woodard, A Doctor Heals by Faith (London: Max Parrish, 1953), and idem, A Doctor's Faith holds fast (London: Max Parrish, 1955)). However, since Woodard believed that "all disease originates in the spirit and can be cured by a right attitude to things" (Woodard, A Doctor Heals by Faith, pp.55-56), his approach to healing was rather different from that of the "Full Gospel" evangelists, who, for their part, saw divine healing by the power of God as being a component part of, and witness to, the "Full Gospel." Nevertheless, the publicity surrounding Woodard's visit helped to further the "Full Gospel" cause.

64. Wheeler, Interview. Emphasis as cited.

65. This perception was "proof-texted" by reference to John 3:2: "Rabbi, we know that thou art a teacher come from God: for no man can do these miracles that thou doest, except God be with him" (KJV).

66. Wheeler, Interview.

67. Wheeler commented that his first campaign (at Mount Maunganui in November 1957) produced "practically nothing" by way of results (Ibid.). Furthermore, "opposition from established, lifeless works, together with practically no support, was all part of the programme" ("Regions Beyond - The Missionary Page: The East Coast Maori Work - Rangitukia," Bible Deliverance, April 1959, p.9).

68. Although the Worley campaign claimed some 600 converts over the five-week period, "healings" were the most prominent feature. Within a week of the start of the campaign, full-page advertisements were placed in the local paper claiming healings of "heart trouble, asthma, complete deafness, stroke, arthritis and other complaints" (Timaru Herald, 28 June 1960). The healing of a small child's club foot proved to be the turning point of the campaign, since this was given a three-column write-up by the Timaru Herald ("Parents Say Prayer Transformed Boy's Twisted Foot; Now Walks Unaided," Timaru Herald, 6 July 1960, p.12) and from then on attendances at the campaign meetings grew dramatically. Claims were also made that peoples' teeth had been filled with gold, silver and other materials as a "sign" of the power of God. Controversy over these claims helped to focus further attention on the campaign, and it received widespread publicity as a result. The campaign was eventually discussed in Parliament, when, during the course of an in-committee debate on the estimates of the Health Department, the Rev. Clyde Carr, M.P. for Timaru, referred to the claims of "teeth-filling" and "asked could the Minister [of Health] or the Director of Dental Hygiene look into the matter?" (New Zealand Parliamentary Debates [hereafter cited as NZPD], vol.324, p.2544 (23 September 1960)). The Minister of Health was also asked "to take action to prevent the malpractices of quacks and unqualified people who assumed duties for which they were not equipped" ("Timaru Faith Healing Mission Discussed by Mr. Carr in House," Timaru Herald, 24 September 1960, p.12). The response of the Minister was not recorded.

69. The Gore campaign, and the claims of healing which attended it, made front-page news ("Religious Upheaval caused in Gore by Claims of Divine Healing," Otago Daily Times, 24 March 1961, p.1).

70. Peter Morrow characterises the two-year period from 1960 to 1962 as "a healing revival" and differentiates between this and the later charismatic renewal (Peter Morrow, Interview, Dunedin, 30 July 1990).

71. Although many of the participants in the "Full Gospel" healing movement eventually gravitated towards the "Indigenous Churches," not all of the independent groups established by these revivalists associated themselves with these churches. Norman White, for example, was associated with the Apostolic Church, while Ian Hunt's "Open Door Mission" in Palmerston North remained an independent church for some years, but later became part of the Elim Churches of New Zealand. Nevertheless, the "Indigenous Churches" (later renamed the "New Life Churches") were the main beneficiaries of this healing movement. Ian Clark commented that the Assemblies of God did not begin this type of revivalism until some time later, and that as a result of the spectacularly successful "Full Gospel" campaigns in Timaru and Gore, and of Rob Wheeler's tent campaigns, "a great cry went up [in the Assemblies of God] `Why can't we do something like that too?'" Frank Houston (who became Superintendent of the Assemblies of God in 1966) was the key figure in the eventual implementation of this type of campaign (Clark, Interview).

72. As, for example, does Richard M. Riss, Latter Rain: The Latter Rain movement of 1948 and the Mid-Twentieth Century Evangelical Awakening (Etobicoke, Ontario: Honeycomb Visual Productions, 1987).

73. Ahlstrom, Religious History, pp.949-963, offers the best short treatment of this resurgence in America. Winthrop S. Hudson, Religion in America (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1965) pp.382-391, also gives a useful short account.

74. Although Hudson asserts that "unlike earlier religious revivals, the `return to religion' of the 1950s was formless and unstructured, manifesting itself in many different ways and reinforcing all religious faiths quite indiscriminately" (Hudson, Religion, p.383), Ahlstrom is able to distinguish five overlapping types of revival which made up the post-war religious resurgence in America (Ahlstrom, Religious History, pp.954-963).

75. Christian Century 71 (1954), cited in Christianity Today, 8 May 1961, and thence in Ahlstrom, Religious History, p.954.

76. Ahlstrom, Religious History, p.954.

77. Sinclair, History of New Zealand [1984], pp.298-299.

78. I.G.Marquand, "The New Zealand Presbyterian New Life Movement: A Case Study in Church Growth" (M.Th. Thesis in Church History, University of Otago, 1977). Marquand's study is supplemented at several important points by Owen Rogers, "The New Zealand Presbyterian New Life Movement" (B.D. Dissertation in Church History, University of Otago, 1990), who points out that the New Life Movement was the product of a lay-oriented movement in the Presbyterian Church from 1944 on, which emphasised the role of evangelism, seeing the whole congregation of the church as the evangelising unit, in which "the Holy Spirit's power [was] working from below upwards, rather than from the top downwards" (Ibid., p.5). The New Life Movement both incorporated and amended this emphasis, and "altered the meaning of the term evangelism, to some extent, away from soul-winning to church extension" (Ibid., p.6). The change of focus grew more pronounced as the New Life Movement progressed. The effect of the New Life Movement was reinforced by J.D.Salmond's emphasis on the role of religious education (Duncan Macleod, "J.D.Salmond's contribution to Religious Education in N.Z." (Dissertation in Church History, University of Otago, 1991), passim).

79. Allan Davidson, "1931-1960: Depression, War, New Life," in Presbyterians in Aotearoa 1840-1990, ed. Dennis McEldowney (Wellington: Presbyterian Church of New Zealand, 1990), p.124. The title of the "New Life Churches of New Zealand" has no apparent connection with the Presbyterian "New Life Movement."

80. S.L. Edgar, A Handful of Grain, The Centenary History of the Baptist Union of New Zealand, vol.4, 1945-1982 (Wellington: New Zealand Baptist Historical Society, 1982).

81. The best short account of these changes, and of the historical relationship between the earlier Fundamentalism and the new Evangelicalism, is to be found in George M. Marsden, "From Fundamentalism to Evangelicalism: A Historical Analysis," in The Evangelicals: What they believe, Who they are, Where they are changing, ed. David F. Wells and John D. Woodbridge (New York: Abingdon Press, 1975), pp.122-142. Another good coverage (focusing on the ministry of Billy Graham) is Lowell D. Streiker and Gerald S. Strober, Religion and the New Majority: Billy Graham, Middle America, and the Politics of the 70s (New York: Associated Press, 1972), especially chapter 3.

82. The "Fundamentals" have often been identified with the "Five Points," formulated at the 1910 General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in America. These were: (1) the Inerrancy of the Scriptures, (2) the Virgin Birth of Christ, (3) the Substitutionary Atonement of Christ, (4) the Physical Resurrection of the Body, and (5) the miracle-working power of Christ (see Ernest R. Sandeen, The Origins of Fundamentalism: Towards a Historical Interpretation, Historical Series (American Church), vol.10 (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1968), p.22; also idem, The Roots of Fundamentalism: British and American Millenarianism 1800-1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), pp.xiv.ff.; and Martin E. Marty, "Tensions within Contemporary Evangelicalism: A Critical Appraisal," in Wells and Woodbridge, The Evangelicals, p.173). However, as Sandeen points out (Sandeen, Origins, p.22), the "Five Points" were never adopted as an "official" credal statement. They served as an indicator of where the Fundamentalist credal centre lay, rather than as a definition of their doctrinal position. The focus of Fundamentalism was dispensational and millenarian, and the 1878 Niagara Creed (set out in fourteen points) clearly reflects this emphasis. It was this creed, rather than the "Five Points" which set out the "official" Fundamentalist belief (Sandeen, Roots, pp.xiv-xv. Sandeen gives the text of the Niagara Creed itself as an appendix (Ibid., pp.273-277)).

83. Ahlstrom, Religious History, p.909.

84. Marsden, "Fundamentalism to Evangelicalism," in Wells and Woodbridge, The Evangelicals, p.128.

85. Ibid.

86. Ibid., pp.128-129.

87. Ibid., p.129.

88. Ahlstrom, Religious History, p.958. See also George H. Williams and Rodney L. Peterson, "Evangelicals: Society, the State, the Nation (1925-1975)," in Wells and Woodbridge, The Evangelicals, pp.221-222.

89. Pentecostal groups were actively involved with the NAE, and by the mid-1950s, formed a major component of its membership. Blumhofer, for example, refers to the Assemblies of God as "one of the NAE's key financial contributors" (Blumhofer, The Assemblies of God, 2:44). This was the first time that these groups had been linked with other Christians in an association such as this, and therefore reflects the beginnings of a movement away from the "ghetto-mentality" of early Pentecostalism. The NAE effectively gave "something like denominational status to the `Third Force' in American Christianity" (Ahlstrom, Religious History, p.958; see also Williams and Peterson, "Evangelicals," in Wells and Woodbridge, The Evangelicals, p.222).

90. Despite the prominence of Billy Graham, his crusades represented only one component of the Evangelical resurgence. For a superbly articulate account of the various types of American Evangelicalism in the 1980s, see Randall Balmer, Mine Eyes have seen the Glory: A Journey into the Evangelical Subculture in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989). Balmer writes from the perspective of a former Evangelical, and is able to combine objective analysis and critical detachment together with an "inside" understanding of, and empathy with, the complex subculture which he describes. He succeeds in demonstrating conclusively that Evangelicalism is not to be categorised as a "monolithic fundamentalism," but rather as a multi-faceted subculture. Facets of this Evangelical sub-culture included the healing evangelism of Oral Roberts and others in the United States, and the "Latter Rain" (an "independent" Pentecostal movement which emerged in Canada in 1948). This latter movement was of particular importance in the history of the New Life Churches.

91. John Pollock, Billy Graham: The Authorised Biography (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1966), p.128.

92. Ibid., pp.128-129.

93. Billy Graham in Look, 7 February 1956, cited in Bryan Gilling, "Mass Evangelism in Mid Twentieth Century New Zealand," in Pratt, "Rescue the Perishing," p.44. Emphasis as cited.

94. Ahlstrom, Religious History, p.957.

95. A classic example of this was William Randolph Hearst's famous telegram ordering his editors to "Puff Graham!" The publicity generated by Hearst's instructions to build Billy Graham's Los Angeles Crusade into a front-page story both spread the awareness of the emerging new Evangelicalism, and helped to launch him into world-wide prominence (Stanley High, Billy Graham: The personal story of the man, his message and his mission (Kingswood, Surrey: World's Work (1913), 1958), p.148).

96. "Evangelical use of the media was central" in the rise of the New Evangelicalism (Stewart M. Hoover, Mass Media Religion: The Social Sources of the Electronic Church (Newbury Park, California: SAGE Publications, 1988), p.41). The roots of the "Electronic Church" in America in the 1980s are to be found in the perceived importance by Evangelicals of access to, and exploitation of, the mass media.

97. Ahlstrom, Religious History, p.746.

98. Billy Graham, cited in Christchurch Star, 9 April 1959, and thence in Warner Hutchinson and Cliff Wilson, Let the People Rejoice (Wellington: Crusader Bookroom Society, 1959), p.130.

99. Cited in Gilling, "Mass Evangelism," in Pratt, "Rescue the Perishing," p.49. Gilling does not record the source of this claim.

100. Hutchinson and Wilson, Let the People Rejoice, pp.142-146.

101. Gilling, "Mass Evangelism," in Pratt, "Rescue the Perishing," p.49.

102. Hutchinson and Wilson, Let the People Rejoice, p.144.

103. Gilling, "Mass Evangelism," in Pratt, "Rescue the Perishing," p.52. Gilling further argues this point in a companion article in the same volume (Idem, "Convinced Christians convincing convinced Christians? A Study of Attenders at a Luis Palau Crusade Meeting," in Ibid., pp.77-95), and, at greater length, in his Ph.D. thesis, "Retelling the Old, Old Story." These give important surveys of the Billy Graham Crusades in the wider context of New Zealand Evangelicalism.

104. Colin Brown, Forty Years On: A History of the National Council of Churches in New Zealand 1941-1981 (Christchurch: National Council of Churches, 1981), p.103.

105. This "combined emphases on evangelism, stewardship and the growth of the church" (Peter J. Lineham, "Religion," in New Zealand Book of Events, ed. Bryce Fraser (Auckland: Reed Methuen, 1986), p.351). The stated purpose of the "New Life Movement" was to "proclaim that in the whole of life that Jesus Christ is Lord. This is to find expression under the guidance of the Holy Spirit through a re-vitalizing of the inner life of the Church, through aggressive congregational evangelism, through emphasis on stewardship of time, abilities and money, and through a bold policy of church extension and development at home, and reconstruction abroad. The twin emphases on evangelism and stewardship were seen as affecting the whole life of the Church and its membership" (Presbyterian General Assembly, 1949, cited in Davidson, "Depression, War, New Life," in McEldowney, Presbyterians in Aotearoa, p.123).

106. For example, Youth for Christ, which commenced in Auckland in 1948 (Lineham, "Religion," in New Zealand Book of Events, p.351).

107. Brown, Forty Years On, p.101. Brown includes sections discussing the involvement of the NCC in evangelism on pp.101-104 and 133-138.

108. The success of this perhaps owed something to the gradual loosening of New Zealand's old ties with Britain and the consequent movement towards closer political and economic links with the United States.

109. Gilling, "Retelling the Old, Old Story," p.289. Since the sum of these figures represented less than a quarter of the 17,493 "decisions" at the Crusade, this gives a further indication of the comparative lack of effectiveness of this form of mass evangelism.

110. Ian Breward commented on this characteristic when he "reminded the annual meeting [of the NCC] in 1969 that New Zealanders tended too often to look overseas for solutions and that it was time for all the churches to look at the subject of evangelism together" (Brown, Forty Years On, p.136).

111. Pollock, Billy Graham, p.257.

112. "Janus" (a Methodist commentator on current events) referred to the "thorough and worthy" quality of this follow-up (New Zealand Methodist Times, 25 April 1959, p.697, cited in Gilling, "Retelling the Old, Old Story," p.288).

113. Pollock, Billy Graham, p.263. Since Pollock's work is the "Authorised Biography" of Billy Graham, he is sometimes biassed in his statements. Consequently, this claim needs to be critically assessed, as not all the churches were unsympathetic to the converts of the Crusades. However, the author has interviewed a number of people (now members of the "New Life Churches") who were converts of the Billy Graham Crusade, and their experience confirms Pollock's claim.

114. Hutchinson and Wilson, Let the People Rejoice, p.143. The converts came from the following age-groups: 5-11 years 966 (5.52% of the total); 12-14 years 2,892 (16.53%); 15-18 years 4,123 (23.57%); 19-29 years 4,171 (23.85%); 30-49 3,843 21.97%); and 50 years and above 1,498 (8.56%).

115. Refer Appendix A.

116. The church least affected by this process was the Baptist church. The Evangelicalism of this church enabled it to retain its young people until well into the late 1960s, by which time a different set of social factors were beginning to operate.

117. Winthrop Hudson believes that, in the American context at least, "the real key to [Billy Graham's] success...was the mounting public anxiety which reached a peak during the Korean conflict and the Redhunt of the McCarthy era" (Hudson, Religion, p.384). The launching of Sputniks 1 and 2 in October and November 1957 showed just how far ahead of the West the missile technology of the Russians was, and this, as well as the Communist advances in the Third World (as, for example, Cuba in 1959) reinforced the fear of the "Reds." The resulting "public anxiety" thus created an external constituency for the Fundamentalist/Evangelical message. This phenomenon was not confined to the United States: in New Zealand, the "New Life Churches," utilised this anxiety by making the role of Russia in Biblical Prophecy part of their "end-time" message.

118. Edward Farley and Peter C. Hodgson, "Scripture and Tradition," in Christian Theology: An Introduction to its Traditions and Tasks, ed. Peter C. Hodgson and Robert H. King (London: SPCK, 1982), p.50. Farley and Hodgson are referring to the "challenges and contributions of Modern Consciousness" which have produced critical challenges to the authority of the Bible.

119. This debate was sparked by the publication of John A.T. Robinson, Honest to God (London: SCM Press, 1963). This book achieved a wide circulation, having reached fifteen impressions by 1971. Some aspects of the debate caused by this book are summarised in David L. Edwards and John A.T. Robinson, The Honest to God Debate (London: SCM Press, 1963).

120. See David Tait, "The Geering Controversy in Political Perspective," in Perspectives on Religion: New Zealand Viewpoints 1974, ed. John C. Hinchcliff (Auckland: University of Auckland Bindery, 1975), pp.20-23, for an account of the political (as opposed to the theological) factors which lay behind the controversy. See also James Veitch, "Heresy and Freedom," in Religion in New Zealand, ed. Christopher Nichol and James Veitch (Wellington: Tertiary Christian Studies Programme of the Combined Chaplaincies and The Religious Studies Department, Victoria University, 1980), pp.138-178. Veitch appears to display a tendency to overstate his case and to act as an apologist for Lloyd Geering, rather than to examine the issues dispassionately.

121. This association of ideas was based on 1 Tim.4:1 "in the latter times some shall depart from the faith" (KJV).

122. Anderson, Vision of the Disinherited, p.5.

123. This movement towards Pentecostal groups has been a continuing one. Ray Galvin commented in 1982 that "the total membership of Pentecostal churches [stands] at about 36,000 and their weekly adult attendance above 40,000: hence, the Pentecostal worshipping community is now approaching the size of the Presbyterian and is certainly bigger than the Baptist or Methodist....It is clear that over the last fifteen years the centre of gravity of New Zealand Christianity has shifted somewhat in the direction of the Pentecostal/Fundamentalist tradition" (Ray Galvin, "Learning from the Sects," in Towards an Authentic New Zealand Theology, ed. John M. Ker and Kevin J. Sharpe (Auckland: University of Auckland Chaplaincy Publishing Trust, 1984), p.99. Emphasis Galvin).

124. For a comment on the declining functionality of healing in the specific context of Maori religion, see Pieter H. De Bres, Religion in Atene: Religious Associations and the Urban Maori (Wellington: Polynesian Society, 1971), pp.43ff. De Bres argues that "Faith-healing, which has been a prominent feature of Maori religious life [i.e. Ratana, etc.] is unlikely to retain any importance in the future" (Ibid., p.43).

125. This "counter-culture" was seen by some commentators at the time as a "youth revolt." For an example of this, see James Colquhon, "The Revolt of Youth," New Zealand Monthly Review IX (December 1968): 9-11.

126. Graeme Dunstall, "The Social Pattern," in The Oxford History of New Zealand, ed. W.H.Oliver (Wellington: Oxford University Press, 1981), p.398.

127. Robert Chapman, "From Labour to National," in Ibid., pp.365-366.

128. Ronald M. Enroth, Edward E. Ericson, Jnr., and C. Breckinridge Peters, The Jesus People: Old-Time Religion in the Age of Aquarius (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1972), pp.12-13. This is the best account of the "Jesus People," and surveys developments in the movement up to late 1971. Other accounts include Robert S. Ellwood, Jnr., One Way: The Jesus Movement and its meaning (Eaglewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1973), and Kenneth Leech, Youthquake: The growth of a counter-culture through two decades (London: Sheldon Press, 1973), especially chapter 7.

129. Enroth, et al., The Jesus People, p.12.

130. "The New Rebel Cry: Jesus is coming!" Time, 21 June 1971, pp.56-65.

131. Enroth, et al., The Jesus People, p.136ff.

132. Ibid., p.164ff.

133. Bob Thompson identifies the "Jesus People" with ``the new youth fundamentalism" (R.J. Thompson, "The New Youth Fundamentalism," in Perspectives on Religion: New Zealand Viewpoints, 1974, ed. John C. Hinchcliff (Auckland: University of Auckland Bindery, 1975), pp.85-91).

134. Enroth et al., The Jesus People, p.17.

135. Ibid., p.142.

136. Ibid., chapter 10, pp.194-206.

137. For an example of opposition among a section of the "Jesus People" to Pentecostalism, see Walter L. Knight, Jesus People come alive (Wheaton, Illinois: Tyndale House Publishers, 1971), p.35.

138. For example, Michael Hill points out, in relation to the 1976 Census, the "over-representation of younger age groups in relation to the population as a whole" in groups such as "the collectively styled Associated Pentecostal Churches" (of which the New Life Churches were a part). The peak age of the APC is in the 25-30 bracket (Michael Hill, "The Social Context of New Zealand Religion: `Straight' or `Narrow'?" in Religion and New Zealand's Future, ed. Kevin J. Sharpe (Palmerston North: Dunmore Press, 1982), p.33).

139. Bob Hall (Lecturer in Sociology, Canterbury University), Comment to author, Christchurch, November 1989.

140. Harold Turner refers to "the peculiar conditions of the student world in the later 1960s [in which] authority and tradition were being rejected in favour of the do-it-yourself, individual, spiritual search, especially for the mystical transcendant" (Harold Turner, "Otto and Everyman: Reflections on a Religious Studies Text Book," in Religious Studies in Dialogue: Essays in Honour of Albert C. Moore, ed. Maurice Andrew, Peter Matheson and Simon Rae (Dunedin: Faculty of Theology, University of Otago, 1991), p.9).

141. Rev. Ron O'Grady, Christian Century (2 April 1969), cited in Brown, Forty Years On, pp.135-136.

142. Veitch, "Heresy and Freedom," p.155: "The [Geering] debate came at a time when the Presbyterian Church, like other mainline New Zealand churches was beginning to show a clear decline in statistics. The peak of attendance in the fifties and the optimism this had engendered was over." As a result, "many felt alienated and confused, some left to join other denominations" (Ibid., p.170). The Geering debate therefore reinforced, rather than caused, the decline of the Presbyterian church in the late 1960s.

 

© Brett Knowles 2004

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